Author Topic: This Lush #SpyCops campaign  (Read 26258 times)

Offline CornerFlag

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This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« on: June 2, 2018, 02:59:21 pm »
https://www.theguardian.com/media/2018/jun/01/cosmetics-retailer-lush-criticised-by-police-over-spycops-ad-campaign

Quote
Cosmetics retailer Lush criticised by police over 'spycops' ad campaign

Stores decorated with fake police tape in protest against undercover officers’ behaviour



The cosmetics retailer Lush has been criticised by leaders of the Police Federation of England and Wales for an advertising campaign that addresses the scandal over undercover police officers forming relationships with the women they were employed to spy on.

As part of the campaign, promoted using the hashtag #spycops, Lush storefronts have been decorated with fake police tape emblazoned with the slogan: “Police have crossed the line.”

Since 1968 several women have had relationships with undercover police officers, not knowing they were using false identities to infiltrate the groups the women belonged to. The Metropolitan police have also been sued by a man who discovered that the father who abandoned him as a child was an undercover officer assigned to spy on his mother. Victims of deception have been critical of the undercover policing inquiry, set up in 2015 and led by Sir John Mitting.

As part of the campaign, Lush’s Facebook and Twitter accounts have featured video clips about the controversy, and have pictured a model whose appearance is split between being a police officer in uniform, and an undercover activist. The image is accompanied with the slogan “Paid to lie”. As yet, none of the material has appeared on the company’s popular Instagram account.



The campaign has faced a fierce backlash online from consumers and from representatives of the police. Ché Donald, the vice-chairman of the Police Federation of England and Wales, : “This is very poorly thought out campaign and damaging to the overwhelmingly large majority of police who have nothing to do with this undercover enquiry.”

Calum Macleod, the chair of the Police Federation of England and Wales, said he hoped Lush would “have the good sense to realise they made a mistake, and apologise to police officers and their families for the offence this poorly judged PR campaign has caused. No doubt the company will have many employees who have friends and family in the service and I urge them also to act now and hold their bosses and the company to account.”

In a statement, Lush denied that the campaign was “anti-state” or “anti-police”. The company said they “fully support [police] in having proper police numbers, correctly funded to fight crime, violence and to be there to serve the public at our times of need” and that they were only addressing “a controversial branch of political undercover policing that ran for many years before being exposed.”

Lush said its campaign had a specific aim to make changes to the undercover policing inquiry, and is urging customers to send postcards to the home secretary, Sajid Javid, asking him to add a panel of experts to the inquiry to aid the chair. It also wants to extend the scope of the inquiry to cover Scotland, to stop the current practice where the identities of the officers involved and the groups they were conducting surveillance on are not being disclosed to the public.


Rebecca Lush, the charitable giving coordinator at the company, said: “When Theresa May launched this public inquiry we all hoped that the truth about this scandal would finally be exposed and that the disgraceful police tactics would be examined. Instead, the public inquiry chair is making the inquiry more secretive and is granting the police anonymity in secret hearings. It is time the home secretary listened to the victims and appointed a diverse panel to hear the full evidence.”

Lush’s Facebook page has been bombarded with one-star ratings, and users have adopted the hashtag #FlushLush to campaign for a boycott of the company.

Lush has defended the campaign on social media, saying: “This isn’t an anti-police campaign, it’s to highlight the abuse that people face when their lives have been infiltrated by undercover police.”

It has directed social media critics to an essay about the scandal published on its website, and to an anonymous account by one victim, who spent five years in a relationship with a man she knew as Mark Cassidy, who was actually an undercover police officer called Mark Jenner.

Based in Poole in Dorset, Lush has a history of campaigning on political and ethical issues, including same-sex marriage in Australia, and helping to protect hen harriers in the UK. In 2016 US branches raised $300,000 for Syrian refugees by selling a limited edition Hand of Friendship soap.

See, for me, the actual cause is completely and utterly worthy, we all know the depths that the wrong figures in the force can dive to, but this just smacks to me of a lazy campaign that will unfairly target police officers who will otherwise be doing a commendable job.  You see some of the comments that appear around the place (a search for 'Lush' and 'ACAB' (All Coppers Are Bastards) will reveal some of the sentiment it's generating, particularly from those on the left) and it's kind of worrying.  Yes, the actual spy cops need to be investigated, yes the people complicit need more than a slap on the wrists (or 'early retirement' which happens a lot) but it's very much a scattergun approach to a serious problem and a lot of officers are already unfairly targeted from this campaign.  I hate the way people will automatically defend the police under any circumstances, and hopefully I'm putting across that this isn't what I mean, but on this the whole visual imagery takes away from the message they're trying to convey and comes across as completely divisive.

Anyone else's views?
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Offline Lfsea

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #1 on: June 2, 2018, 03:09:13 pm »
I think it's great that a large company would be brave enough to do something like this. However it's a properly weird campaign which doesn't seem to fit any which way into their traditional marketing tactics. It doesn't make any sense whatsoever to me - it's like an ad exec dropped his papers on Lime Street station and put the campaign for Lush into the Amnesty International's folder and Amnesty's campaign into the Lush folder.

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #2 on: June 2, 2018, 03:16:10 pm »
Can understand the cause but can’t support how they’ve gone about it basically using it as a marketing campaign to sell more stuff, but in the recent past we’ve seen daft ad campaigns from the likes of h and m, lush and MasterCard this week so it seems to be a bit of a trend.

Also why were those women spied on anyway?
« Last Edit: June 2, 2018, 03:17:50 pm by Laughter is the best medicine... »

Offline TepidT2O

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #3 on: June 2, 2018, 03:21:13 pm »
Can understand the cause but can’t support how they’ve gone about it basically using it as a marketing campaign to sell more stuff, but in the recent past we’ve seen daft ad campaigns from the likes of h and m, lush and MasterCard this week so it seems to be a bit of a trend.

Also why were those women spied on anyway?
Yeah... I agree...


It’s a cynical marketing campaign before anything else....

Seems an utterly odd way to fight the issue too if truth be told.. 

I fucking hate lush though.  I get a headache just standing near it.  It stinks.
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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #4 on: June 2, 2018, 08:49:16 pm »
It's weird that a company such as Lush have started a campaign on a topic such as this, but at the same time, the response from the Police Federation and calls for boycotts are ridiculous.

Offline Red-Soldier

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #5 on: June 2, 2018, 09:05:29 pm »
Lush are anti animal testing, the police infiltrated animal activist groups, there's the connection.

Dorset police support the Lush campaign:

http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-england-dorset-44341564

Dorset Police and Crime Commissioner Martyn Underhill described infiltration of animal rights activists as "disproportionate and distasteful".

"In short, I do support Lush in exposing this issue," he added.

Offline TepidT2O

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #6 on: June 2, 2018, 09:15:10 pm »
Exposing or exploiting...?
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Offline Red-Soldier

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #7 on: June 2, 2018, 09:50:28 pm »
Exposing or exploiting...?

It's pretty clear what he said.  Differs from your opinion I guess.

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #8 on: June 2, 2018, 10:20:30 pm »
It's pretty clear what he said.  Differs from your opinion I guess.
are they really exposing it as it has been known for a good while, especially with them having it in the shop windows like that

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #9 on: June 2, 2018, 10:21:23 pm »
Can understand the cause but can’t support how they’ve gone about it basically using it as a marketing campaign to sell more stuff, but in the recent past we’ve seen daft ad campaigns from the likes of h and m, lush and MasterCard this week so it seems to be a bit of a trend.

Also why were those women spied on anyway?

Those women weren't the only people spied on. You only have to look closer to home to see campaigners having their homes broken into, their garages or shops broken into and the only things being stolen were documents or hard drives. In this City we know you can't leave the state to decide who is guilty or who isn't guilty or who should be spied on or not.

I am uncomfortable about whether this is a marketing campaign or not but I tell you what I am far more uncomfortable with undercover officers acting immorally and often illegally.
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Offline Jiminy Cricket

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #10 on: June 2, 2018, 10:22:36 pm »
I'm not sure why so many people are getting getting upset about this. Isn't this what companies do all the time - take on a campaign which they think their customers will support and will be advantageous to their business? Alternatively, Lush do not much care what their customers think and are doing this because they (the owners) believe in it.

I suppose I am generally quite cynical about why most companies take up particular causes (but not always). But I don't usually become upset about it. Is it the case that most of those posting to this thread who are are up in arms about this are reacting more because you do not believe in the cause/campaign? If so, you should state that (and I would not necessarily disagree). But your opposition should not be conflated with arguments about the cynical nature of business. In the main (with exceptions), business is self-interested. I thought that was a given.
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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #11 on: June 2, 2018, 10:28:54 pm »
Those women weren't the only people spied on. You only have to look closer to home to see campaigners having their homes broken into, their garages or shops broken into and the only things being stolen were documents or hard drives. In this City we know you can't leave the state to decide who is guilty or who isn't guilty or who should be spied on or not.
again why? Or at least the reason given for it?

I'm not sure why so many people are getting getting upset about this. Isn't this what companies do all the time - take on a campaign which they think their customers will support and will be advantageous to their business? Alternatively, Lush do not much care what their customers think and are doing this because they (the owners) believe in it.

I suppose I am generally quite cynical about why most companies take up particular causes (but not always). But I don't usually become upset about it. Is it the case that most of those posting to this thread who are are up in arms about this are reacting more because you do not believe in the cause/campaign? If so, you should state that (and I would not necessarily disagree). But your opposition should not be conflated with arguments about the cynical nature of business. In the main (with exceptions), business is self-interested. I thought that was a given.
i think it’s partially because it’s using something like this to sell more bath bombs, partially how they’ve framed the police here (after all if the person who green lighted this campaign at lush got robbed who are they going to) but mostly see this as manipulating the victims in the case to make more money which makes many feel it’s so wrong, like those far right nutters in the states have done recently

Offline Red-Soldier

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #12 on: June 2, 2018, 10:50:24 pm »



Or just highlighting the questionable morality the police often have.

Lush make a big deal about being against animal testing, it's one of the main reasons why many people buy their products.  They are highlighting the morally bankkrupt behaviour of the police infiltrating an activist group.  If it puts more pressure on them to change their ways in the future then good.




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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #13 on: June 2, 2018, 10:51:08 pm »
Those women weren't the only people spied on. You only have to look closer to home to see campaigners having their homes broken into, their garages or shops broken into and the only things being stolen were documents or hard drives. In this City we know you can't leave the state to decide who is guilty or who isn't guilty or who should be spied on or not.

I am uncomfortable about whether this is a marketing campaign or not but I tell you what I am far more uncomfortable with undercover officers acting immorally and often illegally.

Well said Al  :thumbup

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #14 on: June 2, 2018, 11:28:59 pm »
Or just highlighting the questionable morality the police often have.

Lush make a big deal about being against animal testing, it's one of the main reasons why many people buy their products.  They are highlighting the morally bankkrupt behaviour of the police infiltrating an activist group.  If it puts more pressure on them to change their ways in the future then good.
why were they being infiltrated in the first place, doing that isn’t morally bankrupt at all (from memory wasn’t MI5 infiltration of the Ira part of the reason they went down?) even if some things done after it were (I.e. shagging them)

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #15 on: June 3, 2018, 08:27:54 am »
The issue is the tarring of the average copper. If you look at how it's portrayed its a normal plod in his everyday gear infiltrating an activists house then interviewing her. It makes the plod look intimidating and the actual scene resembles a domestic incident in all honesty. In reality it was a small group of trained officers, (which is still abhorrent) as decent as the point is its just poorly put a cross.
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Offline thejbs

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #16 on: June 3, 2018, 08:29:51 am »
again why? Or at least the reason given for it?
i think it’s partially because it’s using something like this to sell more bath bombs, partially how they’ve framed the police here (after all if the person who green lighted this campaign at lush got robbed who are they going to) but mostly see this as manipulating the victims in the case to make more money which makes many feel it’s so wrong, like those far right nutters in the states have done recently

The women weren't being spied on, per se, the cops infiltrated large groups of animal activists to monitor if they were engaging in illegal forms of protest and/or actual crimes. The officers engaged in sexual relationships with some of the women in the groups, claiming they had to do it for reasons of maintaining cover. Its a spurious claim regardless of whatever the women, or their group, were being accused of. It's a serious breach of confidence between the police and the public.

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #17 on: June 3, 2018, 09:02:39 am »
why were they being infiltrated in the first place, doing that isn’t morally bankrupt at all (from memory wasn’t MI5 infiltration of the Ira part of the reason they went down?) even if some things done after it were (I.e. shagging them)

MI5 infiltrated Loyalist and Nationalist terrorist groups.  Much of what they did was completely abhorrent and morally bankrupt - it resulted in many civilian casualties. They used informants to feed names to each side so they could carry out hits. This led to retaliatory murders (more often civilians than security forces). 

Documents have shown at one point they tried, via operatives, to get Loyalists to murder Irish PM Charlie Haughey. And the botched Shankill bombing which murdered many civilians, including children, was put in place by an RUC/MI5 operative to assassinate some of the UDA top brass. Documents found in 2002 suggest that it could well have been the intention of the intelligence forces to have the bomb go off early and kill civilians, thus weakening support for the IRA.

The fallout from that was the murder of 14 civilians in the week that followed, including the Greysteel massacre where 8 people were gunned down while having a pint. 'Shagging' was the least of concerns in Northern Ireland intelligence infiltration.

The MI5 and security forces clandestine role in N.Ireland, for the most part, is pretty fucking shameful. They taught operatives how to make bombs and gave them weapons. They fed them targets, orchestrating and perpetuating tit-for-tat murders. Hundreds of innocent Protestants and Catholics died directly because of them.
« Last Edit: June 3, 2018, 09:17:50 am by thejbs »

Offline DJBrenton

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #18 on: June 3, 2018, 11:03:04 am »
The women weren't being spied on, per se, the cops infiltrated large groups of animal activists to monitor if they were engaging in illegal forms of protest and/or actual crimes. The officers engaged in sexual relationships with some of the women in the groups, claiming they had to do it for reasons of maintaining cover. Its a spurious claim regardless of whatever the women, or their group, were being accused of. It's a serious breach of confidence between the police and the public.

They didn't just engage in sexual relationships. One of them was in a full-time live-in relationship with one of my daughter's friends and got her pregnant. She thought they were making a life together. It went well beyond having sex to maintain cover.
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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #19 on: June 3, 2018, 11:17:39 am »
The women weren't being spied on, per se, the cops infiltrated large groups of animal activists to monitor if they were engaging in illegal forms of protest and/or actual crimes. The officers engaged in sexual relationships with some of the women in the groups, claiming they had to do it for reasons of maintaining cover. Its a spurious claim regardless of whatever the women, or their group, were being accused of. It's a serious breach of confidence between the police and the public.
cheers for those two posts, the whole sexual relationship with the women is as you say bollocks as you say, even if say they thought getting closer to some would lead to getting more out of them that’s a much better excuse than the whole ‘maintaining cover’ bollocks (as you can say no to a woman!)

Offline Circa1892

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #20 on: June 3, 2018, 02:43:55 pm »
Not sure how I feel about this overall. It feels like it's a good one to highlight, but it's been done really, really badly - but it seems to have been done intentionally badly.

The positive is that it's highlighted the cause, but the negative is it's been wilfully misinterpreted by many - and it's been absolutely fucking horrible for a lot of their staff who've had to cop abuse. The high paid marketing director behind in the head office who engineered and signed this off can issue press releases and what not, but it's the lowly paid retail staff who've turned up to work to sell some soap who've had to take abuse and answer questions about it. Not impressed.

Offline thejbs

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #21 on: June 3, 2018, 02:52:02 pm »
They didn't just engage in sexual relationships. One of them was in a full-time live-in relationship with one of my daughter's friends and got her pregnant. She thought they were making a life together. It went well beyond having sex to maintain cover.

That's terrible. Thoughts to your daughter's friend. The state and police failed her. My uncle's best friend was killed in a random shooting that involved collusion between state and terrorists. He still gets cut up talking about it.

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #22 on: June 3, 2018, 02:54:40 pm »
I don't understand why the assumption is that the average Joe can't distinguish this from everyday cops. It's pretty obvious to me after 30 seconds of reading that they are talking about an abuse of power that goes beyond your average beat cop.
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Offline Eeyore

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #23 on: June 3, 2018, 03:02:58 pm »
cheers for those two posts, the whole sexual relationship with the women is as you say bollocks as you say, even if say they thought getting closer to some would lead to getting more out of them that’s a much better excuse than the whole ‘maintaining cover’ bollocks (as you can say no to a woman!)

This is worth a read.

https://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2014/08/25/the-spy-who-loved-me-2


A Reporter at Large
August 25, 2014 Issue
The Spy Who Loved Me
An undercover surveillance operation that went too far.

By Lauren Collins

Jacqui met Bob Lambert at an animal-rights protest in 1984, when she was twenty-two. Their son was born the next year.

I—JUNE 14, 2012

It was four o’clock on a Thursday afternoon, and Jacqui had just got home from work. She made a pot of coffee and took it out to the garden with the Daily Mail. It was the start of her weekend. The sun was out. She sat down at a patio table and poured the coffee, taking a minute to enjoy the scent of the wisteria that was blooming on her trellis.

She opened the paper: the Queen in Nottingham for her Golden Jubilee; bankers under scrutiny; wives and girlfriends of the England football team. Absent-mindedly, she continued to read. She barely glanced at an article titled “How Absence of a Loving Father Can Wreck a Child’s Life.” A few pages later, she came to a photograph of a smiling young man with bouffy brown curls that parted like curtains around his eyes. Even after twenty-five years, she knew the face’s every freckle and line.

She subsequently told a parliamentary committee:

    I went into shock. I felt like I couldn’t breathe and I started shaking. I did not even read the story which appeared with the picture. I went inside and phoned my parents. My dad got the paper from their nearest shop and my mum got out the photos of Bob and our son, at the birth and when he was a toddler. They confirmed to me, by comparing photos, it was definitely Bob.

Bob Robinson was Jacqui’s first love and the father of her eldest child. He had disappeared from their lives in 1987, when their son was two. (To protect her son’s privacy, Jacqui asked me not to use her last name.) Over the years, Jacqui had tried many times to track Bob down, but she had never been able to find him. Neither had any of the government agencies she had enlisted to help in the search. Bob had seemingly vaporized. Now there he was, staring back at her from the pages of a tabloid.

Jacqui tried to focus. “An undercover policeman planted a bomb in a department store to prove his commitment to animal rights extremists, an MP claimed yesterday,” the article that the picture accompanied began. “Bob Lambert is accused of leaving an incendiary device in a Debenhams in London—one of three set off in a coordinated attack in 1987.” (No one was hurt in the attacks, which caused millions of dollars’ worth of damage to the stores, targeted because they sold fur products.) It went on to explain that Caroline Lucas, an M.P. for the Green Party, had invoked parliamentary privilege to make the accusation. She was calling for “a far-reaching public inquiry into police infiltrators and informers.” Jacqui read on. The officer, the article said, had insinuated himself into animal-rights groups in the nineteen-eighties, creating an alter ego under which, for several years, he led a double life. Bob Robinson was Bob Lambert, and Bob Lambert was a spy.

II—1984-87

Bob and Jacqui met in early 1984, at an animal-rights protest outside Hackney Town Hall, in East London. Jacqui, who was twenty-two, was wearing a red uniform, with a nametag and a knotted scarf. “Why are you dressed like that?” Bob said, approaching her. She replied that she’d come straight from her job, at Avis Rent-a-Car. Gangly and polite, Bob struck Jacqui as slightly awkward. He was clearly in his thirties—old, to her mind. She found him nice-looking, but didn’t dwell on their encounter. “I didn’t go home and think about him,” she told me recently. “It wasn’t, like, ‘Wow!’ ”

A month or so later, Bob showed up at another demonstration, in the English countryside. A hunt club was holding a fox hunt, which Jacqui and her fellow-“sabs”—saboteurs—were doing their best to disrupt. “They had their little drink before the hunt—it’s got a special name—they were all wearing their gear,” Jacqui recalled recently. As the tweed-jacketed field trotted by, the activists, their faces masked by balaclavas, blew horns (to distract the hounds) and sprayed eucalyptus oil (to dull the scent of the quarry). The skirmishing was a form of class warfare as well as a clash of ideals. “What it really turned into was hunt supporters hunting us,” Jacqui said. “The hunt master, he didn’t care about killing foxes—it was hunting sabs. He would, like, whip us with his whip, and the police would just be standing around watching.”

The protesters finished the day muddy and elated. Bob asked Jacqui if she wanted a ride home. “It was a dirty old Escort van,” Jacqui recalled. “But if you had a van you didn’t have to get the train back to London, and also you could get quite a lot of people in the back.” Bob offered to chauffeur Jacqui’s friends; when they got back to London he dropped the friends off first. Outside her flat, Bob and Jacqui sat in the van and talked. Jacqui recalled, “That happened a couple of times, and, eventually, I invited him in.”

Soon Bob and Jacqui were a couple. The age difference wasn’t an issue. Bob, who said he was an odd-job gardener, seemed no more settled than Jacqui and her peers. Moreover, his tastes and values chimed perfectly with hers. He took her to see the Pretenders at the Hammersmith Odeon and haunted Housman’s, the radical bookstore. Unconcerned about possessions, he rented a tiny bed-sit. His clothes often had a musty smell, as though he had trouble getting them to dry.

As Rob Evans and Paul Lewis write in “Undercover: The True Story of Britain’s Secret Police,” Lambert “was well versed in political theory.” A former acquaintance told them, of Bob, “He was not a cardboard activist, he had real depth to him.” (Evans and Lewis exposed many of the events in this story in a series of articles in the Guardian, for which they won a 2014 British Press Award, and in “Undercover,” which is the definitive account of the excesses of undercover policing in Britain.) He urged Jacqui, a vegetarian, to become a vegan. With his long hair and off-the-grid life style, he seemed the embodiment of the anti-consumerist ethos of the British far left in the Thatcher age.

Politically outspoken as he was, Bob said little about his background. He attributed his reticence to a painful childhood. His mother, he said, had died of cancer when he was young. He had a brother to whom he wasn’t close. From time to time, he would take off in the van to visit his father, who had dementia and was living in a nursing home in the North of England. Whenever Jacqui offered to come along, Bob would say that his father was too far gone for it to be worth the trip. Something about Bob’s solitary, apologetic air brought out her nurturing instincts. “Do you know how Princess Diana used to do that sideways, victimlike look?” she recalled. “He was, in some ways, quite geeky and awkward, and you wanted to sort of care for him, because he had no one.”

Jacqui was gregarious and beautiful, with dark witchy curls and a heart-shaped face. She had grown up in a housing development in East London, as part of a “big East End family that lived off their wits.” Her father was a television engineer. Her mother was a medical receptionist. As a child, she excelled in school—“They were talking about me being Oxbridge material”—but by the time she was a teen-ager she had become “a handful,” talking back to teachers and riding around in cars with older boys. “She was a bright pupil, but she mucked about and she didn’t really put her mind to things,” her mother told me. At seventeen, eager for excitement, she dropped out of school and moved out of her parents’ house. She picked up what work she could—typing, temping at a shoe importer’s office, tending bar. On their nights off, she and her best friend would spend hours getting ready to go out to the Blitz Club, in Covent Garden, where the coat-check attendant was Boy George.

Jacqui had loved animals since she was a child. She became a vegetarian in 1982, after Channel 4 broadcast “The Animals Film,” a documentary that detailed the horrors of such practices as factory farming and vivisection, galvanizing a generation of animal-rights activists. She began taking part in Sunday protests to dissuade shoppers at the livestock market on Petticoat Lane. “People just gave up, really. They were, like, ‘It’s probably not worth getting my chicken from there, because I’m going to get loads of aggro.’ ” Eventually, the market closed.

In the early eighties, some factions of the British animal-rights movement—particularly those aligned with the Animal Liberation Front—veered into violence. Their tactics included harassment, death threats, arson, larceny, and sabotage. Jacqui limited herself to nonviolent means, but by the time she met Bob she was a credible regular at protests around London. “I wasn’t floating around making cupcakes,” she told me.

As Bob and Jacqui grew closer, he began spending most of his time at her apartment, a council flat in Hackney. He brought Leonard Cohen and Doors records. His curly hair reminded her of Jim Morrison. “I think a lot of people were surprised that I’d settled with him, because, apart from the animal rights, we were very different,” Jacqui said.

She recalled, “Once, we went to a family do. There was a hall hired and everything, and I pleaded with him—because he used to wear the same clothes all the time—to get something decent. So he got this suit from a charity shop that didn’t fit him properly. He looked awful. I thought he should have made a bit of an effort.” Jacqui’s love of glamour meant that, despite the camaraderie of the movement, socially she remained something of an outsider. In her way, she was as alone as Bob was. “I was attracted to him because of the animals,” she recalled. “I also just think that I wanted somebody to care for me, because I’d been on my own since I was seventeen. It seemed like he was besotted.”
“I know you’re breaking up with me in a restaurant so I won’t make a scene, but here’s one from ‘Death of a Salesman.’ ”

They got a cat together, naming it Winnie-Woo. Every night before they went to bed, Jacqui sent Bob out to wander Hackney Downs in search of the cat, afraid that someone would steal him if they didn’t bring him in. Jacqui was buoyed by their domesticity. Soon, she had bought Bob cologne, and his clothes, which she washed at the local launderette, smelled like fabric softener. “He told me he loved me all the time,” Jacqui said. “I always felt that he was scared of losing me, and, in some ways, that felt quite powerful.”

With the flat, the pet, and the committed partner she’d always wanted, a baby seemed to Jacqui a natural step. (Bob claimed to be philosophically opposed to marriage; Jacqui was fine with that.) At first, Bob said that he didn’t want to have children with her. “He said that he had had a child with a previous girlfriend, and she’d gone off to live in either Australia or New Zealand,” she recalled. “He said that he couldn’t go through losing another child.” Bob even gave the absent daughter a name—Rachel.

Jacqui was not on the Pill, and Bob didn’t use condoms. In any case, according to Jacqui, Bob eventually came around to the idea of starting a family. “I kept on and on about it, and he said no, and then I sort of said, ‘Well, then, I don’t think we can have a future, because I really want a baby.’ And he said, ‘All right, then.’ ” One night, Jacqui and Bob went out for a meal with Denise Bennett, a fellow-activist, at a Chinese vegan restaurant in North London. Bennett was not a tremendous fan of Bob’s—a group administrator, she found him creepily keen to volunteer. Still, she recalled, “It was pleasant company, chatting away, and then Jacqui said she wanted a baby. He didn’t say a word.”

After the conversation with Bob, over Christmas of 1984, Jacqui got pregnant almost immediately. She remembers Bob as a doting father-to-be—accompanying her to doctor’s appointments, fretting over her comfort, shopping for baby clothes and a crib. They spent long afternoons strolling past the furniture workshops on Hackney Road, where Jacqui fell in love with a big pine bed. Bob bought it for them. He insisted on rehearsing the drive to the hospital. “Our happiest time together was when I was pregnant,” she said.

Jacqui’s due date—in late September of 1985—came and went. She recalled, “Then Bob announces to me that he’s got to go and see his dad in Cumbria. I was a bit pissed off with him, but he said he had to go away, so what he would do was see if my mum could come over, which she did.” All of Saturday, Jacqui felt funny—“flu-y, or whatever”—but the baby didn’t budge. “So on the Sunday night, when my dad came to pick up my mum, she said, ‘Are you sure you’re going to be all right?’ I said, ‘Well, Bob’ll be back soon.’ Then, about an hour later, I was just rolling about in agony. There was this woman who lived up the road from us—she used to rescue cats, and she was a bit mad—and I run up to her, and I can remember her going, ‘Don’t worry, I’ve helped my cats give birth many times!’ ”

Bob returned just as Jacqui’s contractions became unbearable. He rode with her to the hospital in an ambulance and was by her side through more than fourteen hours of labor. When the baby, a boy, was born, they named him after Jacqui’s father. (I will call him Francis.) Bob cried.

“I was at work, and he phoned me and told me that Jacqui had had a son,” Jacqui’s mother recalled. “They had wanted to surprise me, so that was lovely, because we’d had all girls in our family.” Jacqui’s mother went to stay at her apartment to help care for the baby. She recalled, “Bob would be there and he was very good—he’d change him and do it all quite expertly.”

A picture from the time, taken by Jacqui’s mother, shows Bob staring adoringly at the baby, cradling him in the crook of his arm. The day after Francis was born, Bob gave Jacqui a card printed with a sentimental drawing—Jessie Willcox Smith’s “First the Infant in Its Mother’s Arms.” Inside, it read “Well done Jac. Love, Bob.”

Bob was a steady presence in the early months of Francis’s life. He took him on outings, changed his diapers, and babysat so that Jacqui could go out with friends. (He somehow avoided going to the registry office to sign forms identifying him as Francis’s father.) Another picture from the time shows Bob in mud boots and a barn jacket at some sort of work site. As his friends haul two-by-fours, he leans against a wall, holding the baby, who, in a powder-blue playsuit, paws at his neck. The young family spent Christmas together at Jacqui’s parents’ house. Bob was there on Christmas Day. Jacqui recalled, “He was a normal, loving father.”

Jacqui and Bob’s relationship, however, was beginning to falter. Overwhelmed by motherhood, Jacqui drifted away from the animal-rights crowd. While she was entering a more practical phase of her life, Bob was acquiring a new set of friends, who were involved in increasingly radical factions of the movement. “He wanted me to go to London Greenpeace meetings with him,” Jacqui recalled. (London Greenpeace, which was not affiliated with Greenpeace, was an anarchist environmental collective best known for battling McDonald’s in a libel suit.) “I went to one meeting with him, and there was this plastic cup they were passing around, and you put in what you could afford. There wasn’t enough money in it to get the bus fare home, much less start the revolution.”

Bob’s lack of ambition, which had initially seemed so noble, began to irritate Jacqui. “Everybody else in the animal-rights movement was growing up, starting to settle down, moving out of the squats and all that,” she recalled. “He was already a lot older, and he was not progressing.” While Bob was in the pub, plotting direct actions, Jacqui was at home, worrying about money. Her feelings toward him fluctuated: she would nag him to contribute more to the household and then feel bad about herself for having been a nag. Occasionally, Bob would come through in surprising ways. One day, Winnie-Woo got hit by a car. The vet told Jacqui that the surgery required to save him would cost three hundred pounds. “There’s no way I had that sort of money,” Jacqui said. “So I called Bob, and I was really upset, and he went, ‘I’ll pay for it.’ And I was still going on, and he said, ‘I’ll pay for it. Jacqui, I’ve just told you I’ll pay for it.’ ” When she asked how he planned to come up with the money, he said he was due a payment from a gardening job.

Despite the tension between them, the couple rarely fought. According to Jacqui, it was nearly impossible to provoke Bob, who, when confronted with anything unpleasant, became robotically calm. Jacqui recalled, “He’d go, ‘I think you need to calm down,’ and he’d leave and come back later. I can remember chasing him down the street.” Bob’s detachment exasperated Jacqui. She recalled, “If I started shouting, he would just wring his hands and say, ‘Jacqui, but you know I love you.’ ”

“I had just had a baby and everything, and I was tired,” Jacqui said. “He wasn’t getting the sort of sex he was getting before, and I was blaming myself. I thought, I’ve been grumpy, snapping at him, going on about money, going on about getting a proper job. He was such a loving father, and I thought, He’s sweet, he’s kind, he loves his child, he loves me. I’m really, really going to give it a try.”

The relationship persisted, but by 1986 the two were spending much of their time apart. Jacqui moved to the suburbs, further distancing herself from the London scene. Still, she and Bob continued to see each other and to raise Francis on good terms.

One evening in the fall of 1987, Bob had agreed to watch Francis at Jacqui’s flat. “He rung me up as usual in the morning and said, ‘Don’t go out tonight—I need to talk to you,’ ” Jacqui recalled. “I thought he was going to tell me that he’d met somebody else. So I waited until he came back and straightaway said, ‘Yep, what is it?’ ” Bob told Jacqui that he wanted to put the baby to bed before they talked. He went upstairs and laid Francis in his crib.

Jacqui recalled, “I could hear him on the baby alarm, which I’d deliberately switched on, and he was saying goodbye to him and telling him that he loved him, and that he’d be back as soon as he could.” Bob came downstairs and, according to Jacqui, said that he had to leave because of the investigation into the Debenhams bombing. He was going abroad, and, for a while, it might be difficult to communicate. As soon as it was safe, he said, he would write. Jacqui could bring their son to visit him in Spain.

III—JUNE 15, 2012

As soon as the hour seemed decent, at 9 A.M. sharp, Jacqui picked up the telephone and dialled the switchboard at the University of St. Andrews, in Fife, Scotland.

“May I have the Handa Centre for the Study of Terrorism and Political Violence?”

The operator put her through. A woman answered the phone.

“Could I speak to Bob Lambert, please?”

“Who’s calling?”

Jacqui, in spite of herself, burst into tears.

“I’m the mother of his child!”

Jacqui had barely slept. After confirming with her parents that the man in the paper was indeed Bob, she had gone inside and typed “Bob Lambert father child” into Google. Pages of pictures of Bob had popped up, showing him both as a youthful, shaggy Bob Robinson and, now, as a thin, gray-haired man with a beard and the same startled eyes. He looked like the sort of person who would wear a windbreaker and comfortable shoes. He could have been, maybe, a retired geologist. In one of the older pictures that had circulated on the Web after the disclosure of Bob’s identity, Bob held Francis’s hand as he sat on a Shetland pony. Jacqui recalled, “It could have been a doll that he was holding—you couldn’t see his face—but I knew that was my son, and that was, like, really, really shocking.”

Jacqui had stayed on the computer late into the night, trying to navigate the thicket of information. Eventually, she made her way to the Web site of the Guardian, where she found the series of articles by Rob Evans and Paul Lewis about the state-sponsored espionage of British citizens. Evans and Lewis, following up on a lead from former activists, had unmasked Bob Lambert as a spy in a front-page article in October, 2011, but Jacqui had missed it. “I don’t read the Guardian—nobody I know reads the Guardian,” she said. Bob had been back for eight months, and she was only now hearing about it. (She would later recall their courtship for Evans and Lewis’s book.)

Bob had been a member of the Special Demonstrations Squad, the domestic-intelligence-gathering arm of the Metropolitan Police. The S.D.S. was established in 1968, after the Grosvenor Square protests against the Vietnam War. Conrad Hepworth Dixon, the squad’s first chief, when ordered by his superiors to do something about the protests, is said to have replied, “Give me a million pounds and ten men, and I can deal with the problem for you.”

The unit’s mission—to provide “sufficient and accurate intelligence to enable the police to maintain public order,” according to an internal document obtained by Evans and Lewis—was as broad as its techniques were particular. Officers, known as “deep swimmers,” transformed themselves into facsimiles of their targets, taking on new identities that they inhabited for years. They got perms and new passports; they acquired tattoos, accents, and, if necessary, drug habits. “For the whole time they were undercover they would never wear a uniform or set foot in a police station, unless, of course, they were dragged in, kicking, screaming, and handcuffed,” Evans and Lewis write. “They would find flats or bed-sits, preferring those at the back of houses in case fellow activists went past at night and noticed the lights were off and no one was in. They would take up jobs with flexible working hours and travel, such as laborers or delivery van drivers, so they could disappear for, say, a day with their family without arousing suspicion.”

The information overwhelmed Jacqui. Bob had disappeared, and now he was resurrected. Trying to figure out who he was, or who he had been, was like trying to read a biography backward from the last page. According to the articles, he had, at some point during his deployment, nurtured a long-term relationship with another woman, a non-activist—she worked at the electric company—who, like Jacqui, had been oblivious of his real identity. “I was cruelly tricked and it has made me very angry,” the woman, Belinda Harvey, told Evans and Lewis. “I am actually quite damaged by the whole thing. I am still not over it.”

Bob, under pressure from the reporters, issued a statement:

    As part of my cover story, so as to gain the necessary credibility to become involved in serious crime, I first built a reputation as a committed member of London Greenpeace, a peaceful campaigning group. I apologise unreservedly for the deception I therefore practiced on law abiding members of London Greenpeace. I also apologise unreservedly for forming false friendships with law abiding citizens and in particular forming a long-term relationship with [Belinda Harvey] who had every reason to think I was a committed animal rights activist and a genuine London Greenpeace campaigner.

Even as he purported to come clean about his past, he made no mention of Jacqui or the son they had together. (He declined to comment publicly for this account.)

Clicking on links, Jacqui tried to fill in the blanks of decades. After Bob’s undercover stint ended, in 1988, he worked on a squad that investigated terrorist threats. By 1994, he had become the S.D.S.’s second-in-command. After stepping down from the S.D.S., he set up a group called the Muslim Contact Unit, an organization ostensibly dedicated to building relations between the police and London’s Muslims. In 2007, he retired from the Metropolitan Police; in 2008, he was awarded an M.B.E. for services to police work. Jacqui struggled most to digest the fact of his proximity. While Bob Robinson was on the lam in Spain, Bob Lambert, for the past thirty years, had been several miles away, sitting behind a desk.

He hadn’t even tried especially hard to maintain his cover. In his most recent incarnation—as Dr. Robert Lambert, a progressive academic—he had earned a B.A. in “inter-disciplinary European cultural history” and, then, a Ph.D. in politics. Now he was a lecturer in terrorism studies at St. Andrews. His bio on the university’s Web site read:

    For the bulk of his police service (1977–2007) Robert Lambert worked in counter-terrorism, gaining operational experience of all forms of violent political threats to the UK, from Irish republican to the many strands of international terrorism that include what may now best be described as the al-Qaida movement. One common denominator in all the many and varied terrorist recruitment strategies he witnessed over the years is the exploitation of a sense of political injustice amongst susceptible youth.

In 2011, he had published a book called “Countering Al-Qaeda in London: Police and Muslims in Partnership.” He blogged on the Huffington Post.

In October, 2011, Bob was a speaker at a conference organized by anti-racist groups in London. In front of an audience of four hundred people, he delivered a lecture on extremist political violence. During the question-and-answer session, a man stood up and raised his hand. When called upon, he spoke:

    “I have one question from the floor. David Morris, London Greenpeace. Is he going to apologize for organizing disgusting undercover police infiltration of campaign groups including anti-fascists and my own group, London Greenpeace, for five years as Bob Robinson?”

The lecture’s moderator tried to quell the mutiny. Morris, who had come with a group of activists, continued to shout from the floor, pressing Bob to apologize. He added, “We want to ensure that you are not informing on groups that are here today.” According to “Undercover,” “Lambert sat impassively, giving nothing away. He sipped from a glass of water.”

When Lambert left the building, the activists followed him onto the street, trailing him with a video camera.

“Bob, we’d like to talk to you about your infiltration of London Greenpeace and your abuse of female campaigners,” a woman said.

“What are you ashamed of?” someone else yelled.

Lambert, wearing a blue shirt and a dark blazer and carrying a backpack, walked faster and faster, saying nothing. As the activists continued to harangue him, he turned into the street and, picking his way through traffic, broke into a run.

Jacqui’s mind spiralled: Were we real? Did Bob love me? Was our son wanted? She was particularly haunted by the mechanics of her selection. “The thing I wanted to know most was, Why me?” she recalled. “Was he given a load of photographs and he said, ‘I want that one?’ Or did he just get in there and mix, and I stood out because of the red uniform?” The knowledge that she had been seduced—and, perhaps, surrendered—by script did not relieve her of the insecurities that attend the demise of romantic relationships, particularly those that end in abandonment. Even within painfully revised parameters, she wanted, somehow, to have been wanted.

Jacqui’s orientation toward Bob, despite his betrayal, remained intimate. Her first instinct, rather than calling a lawyer, was just to dial Bob up and try to talk to him. At St. Andrews, the woman who answered the phone was initially cagey about letting a stranger through to his office. But after Jacqui burst into tears she opened up.

“I’ll tell you what I’ll do,” the woman said. “He’s not actually here, but I’ll ring him, and I’ll come back to you if there’s any message for you.”

“Come back to me anyway,” Jacqui implored her. “Please, don’t leave me hanging.”

They hung up. Several minutes later, Jacqui’s phone rang. It was Bob.

He sounded the same as she remembered, with an Estuary accent and a gentle voice.

“How many children did you father while you were undercover?” Jacqui asked.

“Only our son,” Bob replied.

“Well, has he got any brothers or sisters?”

A woman came on the line, and introduced herself as Bob’s wife. I will call her Katharine. “The reason why I’ve taken the phone is that Bob’s upset,” she said. “Both of his children have died. His daughter died when she was seventeen, and his son died in February of last year.”

“Oh, God,” Jacqui said. “I’m so sorry.”

Katharine explained that she was Bob’s second wife, and that they didn’t have any children together. Bob’s children were by his first wife, from whom he was divorced. Jacqui paused—she had assumed that Bob’s children, if he had any, would be younger than Francis. Instead, they had been born in the mid-seventies. Bob had been married, he acknowledged—raising a family of his own in suburban Herefordshire—throughout the time that they were together.

Jacqui tried to digest the news. Having a skeptical view of male fidelity, and having learned what she already had about Bob, she was less shocked by his admission of romantic duplicity than by the fact of his offspring. All along, her son had had an older half brother and half sister. Now they were dead before he’d even known they were alive.

“So our son is his only remaining child?”

“Yes.”

IV—1988-2012

At a pub in February of the year after Bob left, Jacqui met Kevin, a former professional soccer player. Five months later, they married. Because Kevin came into their life while Francis was young, the family blended easily. In 1990, Jacqui gave birth to a second son, and the four formed a close unit. Jacqui rarely mentioned Bob outside of the family, for the sake of discretion and because, after a while, it simply seemed easier not to; she was happy to let people assume that Kevin, who worked as an engineer for British Gas, was the father of both her children. But, despite Bob’s abrupt departure, Jacqui never questioned his loyalty. “Apparently there were rumors that he had been a spy, when he disappeared just after the Debenhams bombing,” she recalled. “But by then I was living in suburbia with my husband, so I didn’t hear them.”

In the summer of 1993, Kevin woke up with a swollen leg. He assumed it was due to an old soccer injury, but his symptoms worsened, and he was eventually admitted to the hospital. “He said, ‘Jac, I feel funny,’ and he just started fittin’,” Jacqui recalled. “He was a healthy thirty-six years old, and he dropped down dead in front of me.” (The official cause of his death was a heart attack with an underlying malignant teratoma.)
“We have very little need these days to employ a cudgel.”

At thirty-one, Jacqui was a widow. It was a difficult time. Her younger son struggled with health problems. Francis, who had now lost two fathers, became angry and disruptive. In September, 1994, Jacqui decided to go back to school. Quickly, she fell in love with one of her professors. “It was a typical thing of trying to replace what I’d lost,” she recalled. Several months later, she found herself pregnant again. In her second trimester, she suffered a breakdown and voluntarily committed herself to a psychiatric hospital. The baby was born there, premature. (She and the professor remained a couple until 2001 and are still close.) For a time, her older children went to live with her parents.

Slowly, she got herself back together. “It was very gradual,” she said. “One day, you find yourself laughing at something on television when, before, there’d been such a black cloud.” Her studies offered the structure and sense of purpose that had eluded her in the past, and with time her life stabilized. In 1998, she earned a bachelor of laws, making her the first person in her family to graduate from college.

When Francis was about ten, he announced that he wanted to try to find his father. Jacqui had remained a vegan, and Francis was a vegetarian. She had always spoken of Bob as a man of principle, explaining to Francis, as he grew older, that his father had been a hero in the animal-rights movement. “I believe that as many people as possible that love the child is best, so I never slagged Bob off,” Jacqui recalled. With Francis longing for paternal affection, she pursued every means she could come up with of trying to locate Bob. “We tried tracing agents,” she said. “Child services tried to contact Bob. We got nowhere.”

Jacqui’s elder sons thrived, went to college, got jobs, and moved out of the house. Her youngest son lived with her and visited his father on weekends. Jacqui went on to obtain an LL.M., researching female prisoners with personality disorders. She earned a postgraduate certificate in education. She became a teacher at a secondary school. There was money. She travelled with friends to places like Spain and San Francisco. She took spin classes. She watched boxed sets. “Life was boring, but it was quite nice,” she said. Her thoughts turned only occasionally to what had become of Bob. When she earned her bachelor’s degree, Jacqui had dedicated her thesis to him: “Wishing on a star to find out where you are. Hope you’re safe and happy and your dreams have come true.”

V—JUNE 28-AUGUST 3, 2012

On June 28th, Jacqui received an e-mail from Katharine Lambert:

    Hi, Jacqui, I hope you’ve managed to get some sleep, Bob was up early this morning (4:30) and felt very strongly that he wanted to make contact with Francis, he has written him a letter which I’ve attached for you to pass on. . . . We’ll leave it to Francis now to decide—he may need time to think things through and that’s fine. I hope you’re feeling better Jacqui, Bob’s not a bad person and is really genuinely sorry for the distress he’s caused you.

Attached was a letter from Bob to his son:

    Dear Francis,

    I just wanted to say hello and to say how much I am really looking forward to meeting you again. It’s been a long time! Lots to catch up on and talk about. In all seriousness I think I would be the luckiest man alive if I had the opportunity to get to know you again. I have a lot to explain and to apologize for, to you, your mum, who I have always held in the highest regard, and your grandparents who I remember fondly. And I will.

Bob wrote that he was “probably more comfortable expressing my thoughts and feelings on paper than in person” and that he didn’t “want to get too heavy!” He talked about running (“Saturday morning at 9 A.M. I sometimes do a 5K Parkrun locally”). His tone was tender and, given the sensitivity of the situation, surprisingly forthright. He hoped, he wrote, that they could meet soon. “In the meantime, take care,” he wrote. “Love, Bob.”

Jacqui was reeling. “Basically, all my pieces were glued together, and then this wrecking ball happened,” she said. Transiting between the bed and the couch, she trawled the murkiest depths of her memory in search of some moment that would illuminate everything that had come after. Events whose causes and consequences had been fixed in her mind for decades mutated in the half-light of Bob’s revelations. “I went through things he said to me, things I said to him, this, that,” she recalled. “He says to my son, as if he’s been in pain all these years, that he wants to see him, so I don’t know, is that true? On the other hand, if it hadn’t all come out, he would’ve taken this to his grave, wouldn’t he?” Walking her dogs in the park with a friend one day, she was overcome with guilt. “I had to sit down on a bench, because I couldn’t stop crying,” she said. “I told my friend, ‘I blame myself. I’ve messed my life up, I’ve messed my kids up. I picked him, didn’t I? I gave my son the terrible childhood he had because I picked Bob—and he picked me.’ ”

Jacqui struggled to sort out her contradictory impulses. “I didn’t know what to do,” she recalled. “Whatever my feelings were, this is Francis’s dad.” It happened that Francis was in Thailand for a month, travelling around after having graduated from college. “So I had a bit of breathing room,” Jacqui recalled. She sat down at her computer and poured out her emotions:

    Hi Katharine, I am very grateful for your email. Since Thursday evening I have not been able to function—I have been in shock very teary, not being able to eat or sleep. Today is the first day I feel slightly “normal.” I do have many questions for Bob, because I am being bombarded with information from different sources about the nature of my relationship with him. I felt like tying Bob to a chair so that he couldn’t escape whilst he answered all my questions. However over the last few days I have realised going over and over every little event in our relationship and everything said and what it all meant and what were true and did I know Bob Robinson or Bob Lambert is futile. I am however angry that I had to find out the way I did and that it was not arranged for me to be contacted sooner.

Jacqui believed that Bob, with the resources of the Metropolitan Police at his disposal, had been keeping tabs on her over the years; it enraged her to think that he had stayed at a self-preserving remove, valuing his career over Francis’s well-being, when Francis had needed him after Kevin’s death. She was especially upset that Bob had not been moved to contact them in the wake of the deaths of his children—both had suffered from sudden arrhythmic death syndromes, a set of genetic conditions with which Francis could have unknowingly been afflicted. (He has since been tested and does not carry the gene.)

Jacqui described their son’s difficult boyhood and the hurt that Bob’s desertion had caused. Of Bob, she wrote, “If he had made contact then or at some time during Francis’s childhood revealing his true identity and trusting me, he could have had a relationship with his son.” Still, from time to time her tone toward Bob softened, her anger at his deception mingling with her hope that Francis stood, perhaps, to regain a father.

Even as Jacqui attempted to extract redress from Bob, she could not afford to alienate him. Francis “is very politically aware and has tons of compassion about injustice both to animals and humans,” she wrote. “In fact I describe him as his father’s son, meaning the Bob Robinson that I knew. He looks like Bob, and speaking to Bob on Friday, he sounds like him, too.” At the close of the letter, she agreed to encourage Francis to meet Bob:

    I got a wonderful son out of our relationship and for that I can never regret and it is difficult to feel hate for someone who is part of the son I love so much. I’m weeping all over my laptop again, so will go now. . . . My greatest fear was that Francis would want to meet Bob and be rejected again, this I could not bear.

In late June, Francis came home from Thailand. Jacqui explained to him what had happened in his absence. He was eager to meet his father, and, on July 8th, he and Bob got together at Bob’s house. They had an easy affinity, discussing their favorite soccer team. They watched Andy Murray play in that day’s Wimbledon final. They discovered that they walked the same way, with their toes pointing in.

Afterward, Bob wrote to Jacqui, thanking her for “how much you have done to bring him up over the years to become the fine young man that he is.” He said that he was looking forward to renewing their relationship, writing, “I have a lot of work to do to prove that I can be trusted and be a worthy father for Francis. I promise that I will be. But actions speak louder than words, and I will let my actions prove my words in the weeks, months, and years ahead.”

If Bob’s promises were legitimate, Jacqui was happy for her son, but she was still not faring well. Bob continued to call frequently, saying that he wanted to explain as much as he could about what had happened between them. Finally, Jacqui agreed to meet with him.

Bob and Katharine rang Jacqui’s doorbell at 3 P.M. on August 3rd. Jacqui had been extremely nervous about their arrival, but she was relieved by Bob’s mild appearance. “He just looked like an old man,” she said. They hugged. They sat down in her living room and began to talk. Jacqui had assumed that Bob would hold the definitive answer key to her questions, but he, too, was ambivalent about the origins and intentions of much of what had passed between them. He apologized for having deserted her and her son, but he argued that he had been bound, both morally and legally, to maintain the secrecy of his mission. At one point, Jacqui brought up a long-ago afternoon when she, Bob, and Francis had gone over to her parents’ house for Sunday lunch.

“Remember, they wanted new fencing put up?” Jacqui said.

Bob, being a gardener, had been charged with the task.

“He’s useless at D.I.Y.!” Katharine said.
“Nobody laughs at my library of self-help books now.”

Jacqui continued, “And then my sister and her boyfriend asked you to do theirs, and I’m looking at you like, ‘You’re not gonna charge them, you can’t!’ ”

Jacqui recalled, “And then he ended up sort of having to cut back trees for the whole street. So now, in 2012, we’re talking about this, and me and him are laughing like old exes, through all the tears and everything that’s happened.” Despite the occasional flash of humor, the meeting didn’t assuage Jacqui’s agitation. As Bob spoke, he let drop that he and his wife and children had also had a cat. It was a particularly sickening detail, conjuring a mirror-image family life: two women, two houses, two sofas covered in cat hair. Had Winnie-Woo—and, by extension, all the dear mess of their life together—been a punctiliously drawn insurance policy against detection?

“When he talked about ‘I buried two of my three children’ or ‘my other son,’ even at the beginning, the language that he used was very clever,” Jacqui recalled. “It’s as if Francis was no different, as if he had always had his third child.”

The paradox of Bob’s character was impossible to crack: the kinder he was, the more he raised Jacqui’s suspicion that she was, once again, being manipulated. She vacillated between wariness and wanting to believe—she even worried that her skepticism of Bob’s motives would hurt his feelings. It was almost as if the knowledge of Bob’s alter ego had cleaved her own consciousness, giving birth to an alternate persona that could accept the Bob of the present without having to resolve the implications of his past deeds. Bob, whether by temperament or design, seemed typically dissociated. He wrote to Jacqui at one point, “Probably only a psychiatrist stands a chance of unravelling and explaining all of my thinking and my behaviour during and after my time as Bob Robinson.”

VI—2014

The revelation of the extent of the British police’s spying, and the dubiousness of some of their tactics, caused a scandal that has yet to be resolved. Reporters and activists have confirmed that at least nine police officers—including one woman—conducted sexual relationships with unsuspecting citizens during their undercover deployments. At least twelve women, including Jacqui, are suing the Metropolitan Police for deceit, assault, misfeasance in public office, and negligence. Those whose relationships began after 2000 are also bringing suit under the Human Rights Act, arguing that the Met’s “systemic abuse of female political activists” breached Articles 3 and 8, which forbid inhumane treatment and guarantee the right to private life. Jacqui has said that she feels as though she were “raped by the state.”

It is true that the officers violated their partners in the most intimate of ways, grooming them, courting them, becoming part of their lives, and then leaving them, as though by template. When the relationships are taken in the aggregate, the sad individual twists of fate that endeared the impostors to their lovers become cynical commonplaces: deceased parents, estranged siblings, urgent errands, rushed goodbyes, dozens of fictitious children and exes and old friends killed off or dispatched to the far corners of the Commonwealth. In a report for Operation Herne—one of a number of ongoing inquiries into undercover policing—Mick Creedon, the chief constable of Derbyshire, concluded that “no evidence has been found of sexual activity ever being explicitly authorized,” yet he acknowledged the existence of a “ ‘tradecraft’ document which provides informal tacit authority and guidance for officers faced with the prospect of a sexual relationship.” Creedon wrote, “There are and never have been any circumstances where it would be appropriate for such covertly deployed officers to engage in intimate sexual relationships with those they are employed to infiltrate and target. Such an activity can only be seen as an abject failure of the deployment, a gross abuse of their role and their position as a police officer and an individual and organisational failing.” (One policeman is also suing the Met, alleging that his time undercover resulted in traumatic psychological consequences for him.)

When I asked the Metropolitan Police Service to comment on Lambert’s role, a spokesman would only acknowledge by e-mail that Lambert had been an undercover police officer. Because of the civil cases, the spokesperson wrote, “it would be inappropriate for us to comment in any further detail.” The e-mail concluded, “The MPS position, which we have repeated a number of times, is that long term sexual relationships between an undercover officer and a member of the public is not an authorised tactic.”

James Olson, a former Chief of Counterintelligence at the C.I.A., who was involved in clandestine operations overseas for many years, described undercover sexual involvements as “something that we should not do in the C.I.A., absolutely not.” He went on, “Our liaison friends in other services think that we Americans are ridiculously puritanical and that we avoid using something that works.” The masters were the East Germans—particularly Markus Wolf, whose Romeo agents seduced government secretaries in the West. As for Bob Robinson, Olson said, “It’s very easy to fall into that trap—the righteousness trap. Some people are so convinced that what they’re doing is for the good of the country that they’re willing to excuse what would ordinarily be gross misconduct on their parts. They lose sight of ethical constraints.”

The S.D.S.’s transgressions were not confined to the romantic realm. As Evans and Lewis have reported, officers testified in court under their false identities, perjuring themselves rather than break cover. In order to make their backstories as realistic as possible, they plundered the public records, assuming the names and birth dates of dead children. Bob Robinson took his alias from Mark Robert Charles Robinson, who was born February 28, 1952—Bob’s real birthday is sixteen days earlier—and died in 1959, of a congenital heart defect. There is also the claim that Lambert participated in a crime during his stint as Bob Robinson. Geoff Sheppard, who, along with Andrew Clark, was jailed for the attacks on Debenhams—the third suspect has never been found—has alleged that Bob was their co-conspirator. (This was the allegation that Caroline Lucas repeated in Parliament.) Lambert has acknowledged that his intelligence contributed to the convictions of Clark and Sheppard, but has repeatedly denied being involved in the bombing himself.

The emotional compasses of many of the women have been permanently disoriented by the knowledge that they were unwittingly drawn to undercover spies. While the Met commissioner Bernard Hogan-Howe has acknowledged that sexual relationships between undercover officers and citizens are inappropriate, the department has fought in court to have the tactic upheld as legal. Even as individual officers like Bob Lambert have confirmed their identities and admitted their wrongdoing, the Met, citing operational concerns, has maintained a policy of “Neither Confirm Nor Deny.” (In July, a court ruled that the Met could no longer resort to N.C.N.D. in its handling of the Bob Lambert case and others.) Given the evasions of truth that attended the original injury, many of the victims have found this a particularly cruel stance.

Last year, after several of the women spoke publicly of their experiences, Bob gave a televised interview to Britain’s Channel 4. He admitted to having slept with a total of four women while undercover. He answered questions in a calm, didactic tone. His affectlessness was confounding—it was difficult to tell whether it sprang from remorse and a desire to accept whatever punishment was due or from a profound lack of empathy. He said, of Jacqui and Belinda Harvey, “They were both fine, upstanding citizens who had the misfortune to meet me. I can only apologize to them. I think it was just a case of falling in love, I guess, and I should not have allowed that to happen.”

Bob and Francis have developed a close relationship. They watch soccer together and run 5Ks. Francis has a bedroom in Bob and Katharine’s house. Some afternoons, Bob visits him at work to bring him a drink from his favorite coffee shop.

Sitting in her living room one day not long ago, Jacqui tried and failed to deliver a neat summation. Sometimes, she said, she wondered if she had been too hard on Bob. But lots of people she knew thought that she had cut him too much slack. “Bob Lambert is going to be in my life for the rest of my life,” she said. “When this is all over and done with, and everyone else is getting on with their lives, they’re not going to have to face their cop or anything. I am. I’m going to share grandchildren with him at some point. So I can’t help it.” ♦



So here we have a Police officer allegedly setting off a bomb, getting people he was supposed to be investigating pregnant and his punishment for doing this was an MBE for his services to policing. What is being missed here is that in the 80's under the Thatcher government the establishment decided who were enemies of the state. That ranged from peace protestors, animal rights protestors, trade unionists to bereaved families including the Lawrence family and looked to infiltrate them and blacken their name. Whilst doing so they committed crimes and acted in a morally abhorrent way.

That simply isn't the correct way for the state to act. They can't set up rogue squads of officers and members of the security services and allow them to perform black ops. Especially when you look at things like Orgreave or the Shrewsbury 24 cases in which miscarriages of justice resulted in prison sentences and trials for innocent people setup by the state.       

As I said earlier I am uneasy about Lush's motives but I am delighted that a light is being shone on what actually happened and that it is being brought into the public domain after the establishments attempts at whitewashing what happened with a series of behind closed doors inquiries. This kind of skulduggery and illegal actions by the state deserves a public inquiry and if Lush's actions bring that about then frankly the motives behind this campaign are pretty irrelevant.
« Last Edit: June 3, 2018, 03:06:01 pm by Al 555 »
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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #24 on: June 3, 2018, 09:06:38 pm »
Not sure how I feel about this overall. It feels like it's a good one to highlight, but it's been done really, really badly - but it seems to have been done intentionally badly.

The positive is that it's highlighted the cause, but the negative is it's been wilfully misinterpreted by many - and it's been absolutely fucking horrible for a lot of their staff who've had to cop abuse. The high paid marketing director behind in the head office who engineered and signed this off can issue press releases and what not, but it's the lowly paid retail staff who've turned up to work to sell some soap who've had to take abuse and answer questions about it. Not impressed.
in many organisations that marketing director would get the elbow but I doubt that’ll happen here

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #25 on: June 4, 2018, 04:04:00 pm »
Only just found out about this due to a typical wanky pro-cop Facebook post, and it's another example of a poorly delivered message being willfully and gleefully misinterpreted by people.

"The police are spying on private citizens" is a legitimate concern to bring up and put a spotlight on. Unfortunately, carelessness has turned that talking point into "all cops are bad" and of course everyone is defending them and talking about how good and important they all are. The message has been buried immediately, just like with Kap taking a knee.
Maybe the group, led by your leadership, will see these drafts as PR functions and brilliant use of humor

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #26 on: June 4, 2018, 04:29:33 pm »
I wonder if an employee at Lush was directly affected by this.

I'm struggling to understand why a company that sells fizzy things for the bath and soap that smells like you can eat it, would start an aggressive advertising campaign like this, especially when the narrative around the Spy Cops thing has faded largely from wider public consciousness.

I don't really have an opinion on it, mainly because it is such an odd thing generally.

Offline nick_8589

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #27 on: June 4, 2018, 04:53:19 pm »
I wonder if an employee at Lush was directly affected by this.

I'm struggling to understand why a company that sells fizzy things for the bath and soap that smells like you can eat it, would start an aggressive advertising campaign like this, especially when the narrative around the Spy Cops thing has faded largely from wider public consciousness.

I don't really have an opinion on it, mainly because it is such an odd thing generally.

This is pretty much where I’m at.

It’s very strange and I think that’s the problem.

The actions of those officers are disgraceful and to be honest are straight up rape in my mind, obtaining sex by deception is vile and they’ve ruined so many lives in the process, there’s really no defending them.

However it isn’t exactly a hot topic like you said and the company that’s running the campaign is doing it to sell cosmetics which I can’t decide is just strange or frankly disrespectful to the victims, in a sense that they’re making money off the suffering caused by the undercover officers........

I find myself agreeing in general with the campaign whilst at the same time having no single clue how and why it’s even been done.

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #28 on: June 4, 2018, 07:14:06 pm »
Lush are very pro animal rights and anti animal testing so would probably be coming at it from that angle rather than ACAB.

https://uk.lush.com/article/animal-testing-our-policy

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #29 on: June 4, 2018, 07:35:06 pm »
I'm struggling to understand why a company that sells fizzy things for the bath and soap that smells like you can eat it, would start an aggressive advertising campaign like this, especially when the narrative around the Spy Cops thing has faded largely from wider public consciousness.

Look at how much free advertising it has gotten them.

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #30 on: June 4, 2018, 07:55:43 pm »
Look at how much free advertising it has gotten them.
A bit harsh I think.  It’s a genuine issue to be raised.. but a really inappropriate way of doing it
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Offline Elmo!

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #31 on: June 4, 2018, 08:00:58 pm »
A bit harsh I think.  It’s a genuine issue to be raised.. but a really inappropriate way of doing it

Ach I know I don't necessarily think that was the reason either, but people are asking what possible reason there is to do it, and that is the most logical answer.

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #32 on: June 4, 2018, 08:15:53 pm »
Ach I know I don't necessarily think that was the reason either, but people are asking what possible reason there is to do it, and that is the most logical answer.

Shouldn't the question be why are the establishment getting away with a series of cover ups. Shouldn't be the question be who was responsible for setting up the SDS and other such organsisations that flagrantly broke the law and seemingly had no checks or balances in place to protect the general public. Shouldn't the question be why the establishment are getting away with sweeping under the carpet a whole series of miscarriages of justice.

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #33 on: June 4, 2018, 08:17:07 pm »
Shouldn't the question be why are the establishment getting away with a series of cover ups. Shouldn't be the question be who was responsible for setting up the SDS and other such organsisations that flagrantly broke the law and seemingly had no checks or balances in place to protect the general public. Shouldn't the question be why the establishment are getting away with sweeping under the carpet a whole series of miscarriages of justice.

Maybe, not sure how that relates to my post at all to be honest.

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #34 on: June 4, 2018, 08:25:50 pm »
Maybe, not sure how that relates to my post at all to be honest.

I think this answers your question.

https://www.theguardian.com/uk-news/2018/jun/04/as-victims-of-spycops-we-stand-with-lush-in-campaign-for-full-disclosure

As victims of spycops, we stand with Lush in campaign for full disclosure
Doreen Lawrence and John McDonnell are among 74 victims of secret undercover police operations, lawyers and others condemning misrepresentation of the cosmetics retailer



Mon 4 Jun 2018 13.32 BST
Last modified on Mon 4 Jun 2018 16.52 BST

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We are victims of what has become known as the “spycops” operation, and their legal representatives and supporters. In many of these secret undercover operations the police have admitted to violation of human rights, abuse of police powers and causing significant trauma, including inhuman and degrading treatment breaching article 3 of the European convention of human rights.

We are pressing for the current public inquiry into undercover policing to ensure that there is full disclosure of what took place, including who was targeted, by whom and how. Without this full disclosure there is no way of knowing the full extent of what happened during the dark years of this secret policing operation.
Guardian Today: the headlines, the analysis, the debate - sent direct to you
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The cosmetics retailer Lush has used its facilities to help us as victims press for full disclosure and reform so that this never happens again (Lush under fire from police over ‘spy cops’ campaign, 2 June). This is not an attack on police; it serves to help all those in the police service who wish to uphold the highest standards of policing. For this we thank Lush for its support. We condemn those who have misrepresented Lush and our campaign and especially those who have sought to intimidate Lush staff. #WeStandWithLush

Doreen Lawrence Core participant in public inquiry
John McDonnell MP
Caroline Lucas MP
Molly Scott Cato MEP
Jenny Jones Green party, House of Lords
Natalie Bennett Former leader, Green party
Jonathan Bartley Green party co-leader
Michael Mansfield QC Core participant
Imran Khan QC
John Hendy QC
Len McCluskey General secretary, Unite union
Gail Cartmail Assistant general secretary, Unite union
Ian Hodson Bakers, Food & Allied Workers Union
Manuel Cortes General secretary, TSSA Union
Steve Hedley Assistant general secretary, RMT union
Matt Wrack General secretary, Fire Brigades Union
Ricky Tomlinson Actor and Shrewsbury picket
Mark Thomas Comedian and political satirist
Owen Jones Columnist and commentator
‘Andrea’ Core participant
‘Alison’ Core participant
‘Jessica’ Core participant
‘Rosa’ Core participant
‘Kate’ Core participant
Carolyn Wilson Core participant
Sukhdev Reel Core participant
Stafford Scott Core participant
Suresh Grover Core participant
Helen Steel Core participant
Sheila Coleman Hillsborough Justice Campaign
Dave Smith Core participant
Roy Bentham Core participant
Lisa Teuscher Core participant
Joe Rollins Orgreave Truth & Justice Campaign
Mark Metcalf Core participant
Paul Heron Public Interest Law Unit
Jules Carey Bindmans solicitors
Russell Fraser Garden Court Chambers
Harriet Wistrich Centre for Women’s Justice
Kate Ellis Centre for Women’s Justice
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Jude Lanchin Bindmans solicitors
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Dave Nellist former MP and core participant
Lois Austin Former chair, Youth Against Racism & core participant
Hannah Sell - Socialist Party and core participant
Dave Morris McLibel defendant
Mike Schwarz Bindmans solicitors
Eveline Lubbers Undercover Research Group
Kevin Blowe Netpol
Leigh Andrews Spied-on trade unionist
Donal O’Driscoll Core participant
Hannah Dee Core participant
Frank Smith Blacklisted construction worker
Steve Acheson Blacklisted worker
Brian Higgins Blacklisted trade unionist
Dan Gilman Blacklisted trade unionist
John Jones Blacklisted trade unionist
Aaron Bastani Co-founder, Novara Media
Ash Sarkar Senior editor, Novara Media
Liam Young Author of Rise: How Jeremy Corbyn Inspired the Young to Create a New Socialism
Maya Goodfellow Writer and researcher
Joe Batty Antiracist activist
Phil Chamberlain Co-author Blacklisted 
Sam Tarry President, Class thinktank
Prof Rory O’Neill Editor, Hazards magazine
Kim Bryan Community activist
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Personally I think that instead of questioning the motivations of Lush so intensely we should be questioning the morals of the people who sanctioned the spying on innocent people just to protect the state from people who they unilaterally deemed were enemies of the state quite often just because they has a different political view to those in power.

For me the Spycops incidents are an absolute stain on this country and we all should be pushing for a Public inquiry.
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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #35 on: June 4, 2018, 08:53:10 pm »
Tbf there’s a load of bellends who’ve signed that list, not sure they’re the type I’d want helping my cause

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #36 on: June 4, 2018, 09:23:12 pm »
Tbf there’s a load of bellends who’ve signed that list, not sure they’re the type I’d want helping my cause

 ::)


 :duh

Offline Eeyore

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #37 on: June 4, 2018, 09:52:26 pm »
Tbf there’s a load of bellends who’ve signed that list, not sure they’re the type I’d want helping my cause

I think that says a hell of a lot more about you than it does about them mate. It is crystal clear to me that there should be a public inquiry that gets to the bottom this issue. You seem more intent on questioning the motivations of those involved in trying to push  for that inquiry than getting to the bottom of why the establishment acted in such an illegal, immoral and abhorrent way.

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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #38 on: June 4, 2018, 10:06:16 pm »
I don't think the advertising campaign regarding this is 'clumsy' or 'inappropriate' at all. It's hit the spot bang on. Got all the Daily Mail readers in a tizz, opposed by the loons on the left but more importantly, Joe Public are getting to know about a subject that was being swept under the carpet as per. Fair play to Lush, I say. Well played
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Re: This Lush #SpyCops campaign
« Reply #39 on: June 4, 2018, 10:27:41 pm »
I think that says a hell of a lot more about you than it does about them mate. It is crystal clear to me that there should be a public inquiry that gets to the bottom this issue. You seem more intent on questioning the motivations of those involved in trying to push  for that inquiry than getting to the bottom of why the establishment acted in such an illegal, immoral and abhorrent way.
no I’m saying if you want this to be taken seriously don’t ask the likes of Owen Jones, natalie Bennett, John mcdonnell and Aaron Bastani who are all joke figures to varying degrees to help you as they are as useful as a chocolate fire guard, but if you think lush have gone about it this way for some kind of ethical reasons you’re way way off there as it’ll probably turn away a lot of people who may have shopped there as the whole crime scene window displays crossed a line for most and it was the staff in the stores who got abuse over this stupid stunt