Red and White Kop

Author Topic: The Military Thread  (Read 4093 times)

Offline BIGdavalad

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Re: Wartime Stories/Respect/etc (Formally known as the VE Day Thread)
« Reply #120 on: July 8, 2005, 05:10:30 PM »
Thought this would be better in here than starting a new thread:

Some of the winners in this year's Arrmy Photo of the Year competition:



Telic Sunset, by Sgt Hamish Hill, Queen's Own Yeomanry



Awaiting Dismount, by Sgt Mick Howard, Royal Logistics Corps



Barbed Wire, by WO2 Giles Penfound, Royal Logistics Corps



My Dad, by Sgt Mick Howard, Royal Logistics Corps



Mortar, by Mr C Fletcher, HQ 4 Division
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Offline BIGdavalad

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #121 on: July 8, 2005, 05:18:07 PM »
Have renamed this one the military thread, seems a more sensible name than the one it had.
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Offline nyujvary

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #122 on: July 8, 2005, 05:28:51 PM »
Have renamed this one the military thread, seems a more sensible name than the one it had.

ya, was waiting for that one.

Great pics...

Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #123 on: July 8, 2005, 10:14:39 PM »
Stunning photographs BIGDava mate.  Thank you.

And a good choice of thread name.  Like it very much.
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Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #124 on: July 8, 2005, 10:37:13 PM »
The todays they gave have been forgotten

In all the acts of remembrance this year, who will remember the greatest volunteer army for freedom the world has ever seen? Even in their own countries, their memory is barely honoured, never mind in Britain, where almost all sense of their achievements has vanished. But what has not vanished is the freedom their service and their sacrifice made possible.

More than two and half million men from what are now India, Pakistan and Nepal served in the Second World War. The Burma campaign was fought and won in large part by Indian troops; and even where they were not predominant, as in the Chindit long range force, they were none the less essential. Wingate's men could not have moved a foot without their Indian muleteers or survived without their Indian pack artillery. Otherwise, the great battles in the region were largely fought and won by Indian troops.

It is not so surprising that Indian troops were so prominent in the Far East, nor that their contribution has been forgotten: the events were long ago and far away, and neither ultimate victory nor defeat would have made much difference to the people of Europe. But what is more surprising, and even more unforgivable, is the vital role of the Indians in defeating the Nazis has almost vanished entirely from the public imagination.

Tens of thousands of Indian troops served in the war against Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy. The 4th Indians - one of the very finest divisions of any allied army - restored independence to Abyssinia, and from first to last participated in the battles against and the victory over Rommel's Afrika Korps and Italy's 10th and 15th Armies. After victory in Africa, the next stage was the mainland of Europe: and three full Indian divisions served in the brutal, bloody liberation of Italy.

For some, this was a return to Europe; Indian troops had served in France in 1940, and now they took part in some of the most savage, bloody fighting of the entire war. For nearly 18 months, they battled the length of the Apennines, over and across the myriad cataracts and gorges there - in Churchill's fatuous phrase, "the soft underbelly" of Europe. And though this campaign was soon forgotten as the attention of the world switched to Normandy after the landings there in June 1944, the outcome in France could have been very different without the bloody sacrifices that were occurring in Italy.

Some 18 German divisions were tied up in Army Group C in Italy; divisions that were not there to repel the invading forces coming ashore on the coasts of Northern France. This is not to justify the allied strategy of pursuing the largely futile Italian campaign, but merely to acknowledge that the cause of freedom was also advanced there, and at great cost in allied lives, very many of them Indian.

Nor were the Germans the only enemy in Italy. Through the winters of 1943 and 1944, the icy slime of the Apennine valleys and arctic cold of the shale escarpments above, were inhabited by tens of thousands of floundering, freezing soldiers. Indians from the almost seasonless meridians of Madras or Bombay could never before have experienced such cold, such climatic filth, and though many perished there, their units never broke.

Death came in other, unexpected ways: many Indian PoWs who had refused the offer of freedom in return for service with the Nazis were housed at Epinal camp in France. In May 1944, Epinal was mistakenly bombed by the Allies, killing 64 loyal Indians. Other loyal Indians, as is well known, were used for bayonet practice by the Japanese.

Why did they serve? For economic reasons, mostly - but having taken a soldier's oath, they clung to it, unto death if necessary: and not just the fabled Gurkhas and Sikhs, but also the Rajputs, Pathans, Punjabis, Garwhalis, Jats, Ranghars and Dogras. Had British military historians not so disgracefully neglected the achievements of these men, usually in order to focus on the more accessible accounts of British units, their story might be better known. For who now remembers that the mighty battle of Kohima, which gave rise to the most unforgettable memorial dedication of the war ("When you go home, tell them of us . . ."), was essentially won by the 33rd Indian Corps?

The British were not alone in this neglect. Post-independence India preferred to laud the risibly unproductive efforts of the collaborationist Indian National Army under Subhas Chandra Bose, whose men had surrendered - usually to their fellow countrymen - at every opportunity. Yet the new armies of India and Pakistan were based on the very regiments of the Indian Army, and inherited their traditions and their strengths.

More than 100,000 Indians were killed, wounded or vanished in the Burmese jungles, the African deserts or the Italian Alps between 1940 and 1945. World freedom was not the only result of such sacrifices. Those known, real lives meant that thousands of unknown, unknowable Allied soldiers did not die. Quite literally, for so many Indians, their today was someone else's tomorrow. We should remember that, with gratitude.
Rather a day as a lion than a lifetime as a sheep.

I can only be nice to one person a day.  Today is not your day.  Tomorrow doesn't look too good either.

Online Buck Pete

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #125 on: July 8, 2005, 10:47:04 PM »
Good effort DavaLad.

As this is now called the Military thread i shall post the pictures of my first and beloved ship HMS Alacrity.

Alacrity was a Type 21 Frigate that was commissioned in 1977 and decommissioned in 1994.  I served on her for 3 glorious years loving every minute of it.

Alacrity (F174) was already a Falklands War Vetran when i joined her in 1991. I had the privilege to serve on her for the remaining 3 years of her Royal Navy life before it was sold to the Pakistan Navy.

When she was finally sold along with rest of the Type 21 Frigates a part of Royal Navy culture disappeared as bigger, better and heavier armed Frigates were launched.  Alacrity had a compliment of 177 all male crew and still maintained a great number of the Old Navy cultures and traditions that are now gradually being squeezed from the "Andrew".  According to Salty seadogs i still speak to serving to this day political correctness and media attention has forced the Navy to try and banish its "Wine,women and song" persona and clean up its act.

The few pictures attached are of HMS Alacrity (F174) returning to Devonport in 1982.

One of the pictures depicts the word "BOUCHARD" painted on the side of one of the Exocet tubes.  I have googled and cannot for the life of me see why that might have been painted on and only wish I'd seen this picture while i was still serving so to ask around for the answer.  Any ideas anyone????


Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #126 on: July 8, 2005, 11:12:34 PM »
Delighted you posted that Buck.  Excellent pictures. 

As to "Bouchard", you could enquire at the Imperial War Museum or Greenwich Maritime Museum.  I've been constantly amazed at the answers to stuff these two come up with, even the most obscure stuff.  Plus, the IWM has a massive photographic collection of ships.  I got some great ones of my Dad's ship HMS Cleopatra.  Its great that you have photos yourself, which must surely speed the process. 

Do you have any more photos of your other ships you can post?  I'd be delighted to see them and hear about your career.
Rather a day as a lion than a lifetime as a sheep.

I can only be nice to one person a day.  Today is not your day.  Tomorrow doesn't look too good either.

Offline RI-Red

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #127 on: July 8, 2005, 11:22:43 PM »
BuckPete

I too was a 21 Club member on the Ambuscade between 90-92 as the RS!



Joined the Mob in 1980 and retired last year!
That ginger haired twat looks like a proper manc c*nt!

Offline nyujvary

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #128 on: July 8, 2005, 11:27:55 PM »
Buck Pete, those photos are great, and definitely check with the IPW, been there when I was in London a few years ago, absolutely fantastic resources, my father and I have done a lot of research based from there on the Zulu War and Victoria Cross winners...

As for the Bouchard on the side of the exocet tube, I've been snooping around and saw that the Hipolito Bouchard was the escort ship of General Belgrano, but I don't get why it'd be painted on the side of the Alacrity exocet tube.

Now im interested in this, will continue to snoop around...

Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #129 on: July 8, 2005, 11:50:53 PM »
Nyujvary mate.  Next time you're in London you might consider finding time to visit the National Army Museum in Chelsea (and if you've already done so, please pardon me, but its often overshadowed by the IWM, but very interesting and well worth a visit).
Rather a day as a lion than a lifetime as a sheep.

I can only be nice to one person a day.  Today is not your day.  Tomorrow doesn't look too good either.

Offline nyujvary

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #130 on: July 8, 2005, 11:53:05 PM »
Nyujvary mate.  Next time you're in London you might consider finding time to visit the National Army Museum in Chelsea (and if you've already done so, please pardon me, but its often overshadowed by the IWM, but very interesting and well worth a visit).

Never been there, will definitely look it up, thanks very much, but quite honestly, I think the Imperial War Museum will be tough to top...

Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #131 on: July 8, 2005, 11:59:16 PM »
Oh yes.  Not in the same league, and they have nowhere near the research facilities or archives of the IWM,  but a well run and well presented set up, and worth a look if you are in that area and have the time.
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Offline nyujvary

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #132 on: July 9, 2005, 12:10:26 AM »
Don't know if anyone would be interested but if you've got some time to kill have a look at this site, and if you're ever in DC in the States, this is a MUST see.

http://www.arlingtoncemetery.org/historical_information/index.html

Forgive me for the stupid question, but do you have something like this over in England? If so where is it located?

Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #133 on: July 9, 2005, 12:19:33 AM »
Thank you very much indeed for that Nyujvary mate.  Excellent stuff.  I've dipped into one or two items already.  Fascinating.  I'll certainly go back many times to Arlington (thread wise only unfortunately I think).  Thank you again. :wave
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Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #134 on: July 9, 2005, 12:28:28 AM »
The Chindits of Burma

A Walk on the Wild Side, A Step into the Unknown

A tale that includes the longest successful, large scale, Airborne Operation of World War II

By F. E. Gerrard - formerly 84 Column - 2nd Battalion The York and Lancaster Regt
 
The following is a condensed account of the Chindit operation of 1943/44.

FOREWORD

When reading the following the reader should realise that in the year 1944 very few of the facilities and every day goods that are taken for granted in the year 2000 were available, or had even been invented then. For instance:

Television was unknown to possibly 90% of people

Microchips had not been invented, the first calculating machine using valves, had secretly been made.

The nearest thing to a mobile phone was a wireless set called walkie-talkie, weighing 20 lbs. and it that could only transmit a short distance

A wireless was made up of valves, condensers etc., all soldered and wired together making it very cumbersome, easily breakable, and unreliable

Penicillin, though invented, was only available to Americans in Burma, British stocks being saved for the impending D-day invasion.

‘Helicopter’ was an unknown word, even though we now know that the Americans were conducting trials with them in N. Burma and did in fact rescue 2 Chindits from behind the lines – the first such rescue recorded.

Very few people had seen a plane close to, never mind flown in one. It took nearly a week for transport planes to fly from India to UK with frequent stops for re-fuelling.

To transmit a signal any distance by wireless the aerial could easily be 100ft ((or more)) long with no guarantee of reception.

Satellites had not even been made, never mind launched.

The Japanese were not renowned for their motor cars or electronic gadgets but for their brutality. Army officers allegedly tested the quality of their swords by be-heading dissenters.

When the atom bombs were dropped on Japan, there was little sympathy, just jubilation. For once, the Japanese people had tasted a little of the brutality they had inflicted on others.

The British Empire still existed - just

THE CHINDITS.

Back in 1942, the Japanese Army was chasing the retreating British Army out of Burma and over the Chindwin River to India. The Commander in Chief of India, Gen. Archibald Wavell, wanting fresh ideas, sent for a very eccentric RA Officer named Lt Col Orde Wingate, who had specialised knowledge of guerrilla warfare in Palestine (Israel) and Ethiopia. The army in the Far East (with a few exceptions) at that time seemed to be only equipped and capable of ceremonial and police duties, the jungle being the place where the hero’s of adventure stories went, but not the Army. Wingate moved into Burma, getting the layout of the land, travelled with the retreating Army, and met a Major Calvert of the Bush Warfare School who also had similar ideas to his own. Returning to Delhi he then wrote up and submitted his plan to Wavell who eventually approved his plan, promoted him to the rank of Brigadier, and gave him the 77th Indian Brigade to train and execute his plan.

This was the beginning of the Special Forces later to be known as the CHINDITS

The Chindits comprised up to 500 troops, organised into Columns so that they could move on foot along jungle paths and penetrate far behind the enemies front line (100 miles plus) to attack lines of communication and ambush enemy troops. Whilst these Columns consisted mainly of infantry they also included other complementary troops, the largest of whom were the R.E.’s (with a platoon), they also included medics, signals, Burma Rifles and RAF personnel. All ranks were required to carry their own rations, weapons and necessary survival gear (60-70 lbs. - circa 30kg) with further supplies being dropped by air when circumstances permitted. Mules were provided for carrying heavy equipment, wirelesses, spare ammunition, maps, medical supplies etc.

Two expeditions were made the first in 1943 and the second in 1944.

The word Chindit comes from the divisional emblem a Chinthe, this being the mythical guardian of Burmese Temples.

1st Chindit Expedition in 1943

Comprised: - 13th Bat of Kings (Liverpool), 3/2 Gurkha Bat, R.E. Commando Group, 2nd Bat Burma Rifles and other ancillary troops, such as signals, medics and a compliment of RAF personnel.

In total, some 3000 troops formed into self contained Columns ("Columns"), each column having some 100 mules for carrying heavy equipment. While some of the officers were volunteers, the majority of troops were standard battalion personnel.

Early February 1943 saw the brigade moving up through Assam towards the Chindwin River in Burma (this formed the boundary between the British and Japanese Armies), and the Columns crossed it between the 14th – 17th February. Two Columns moved south, with an officer making sure he was seen with a Brigadier’s pips, so that the Japanese would be deceived into believing that this was the main direction of the attack. Soon after, they returned to the jungle paths and headed towards the Irrawaddy River, however one Column was spotted when bivouacking one night and the Japanese were able to mortar them as they broke camp the following morning with high casualties. The Column, broken up into small groups and with no wireless sets, had to make their own way back towards the Chindwin River. The remaining column however evaded trouble, managed to cross the Irrawaddy and headed towards Bhamo to join up with the other Columns.

Wingate, with the other Columns, headed eastwards in a more northerly direction, using jungle paths and the mountain ranges to evade the pursuing Japanese forces, being re-supplied by air, and finally emerging into the railway valley, between Mandalay and Indaw. Here parties of Japanese troops were ambushed, the railway track and bridges demolished. The wounded regretfully, had to be left behind, usually with the choice of committing suicide or being taken prisoner of war.

After this, the Columns crossed the Irrawaddy River to carry out further ambushes and demolition, but it was realised that they were at the limit for airdropped supplies and the Japanese were surrounding them. Wingate then decided it was time to return to India, but after finding the Japanese were patrolling the Irrawaddy in force, he arranged for a large air drop, instructed all Columns to collect their supplies, abandon all equipment and mules, then make their way back to India in small parties. Most Columns managed to do so, but at least one column arrived too late to find the drop zone abandoned, the supplies gone, and having to disperse with little food, and as the Japanese were in most villages, they had great difficulty in buying local supplies.

One or two parties came out in China (only fifty miles away), another made it’s way north to the remote Fort Hertz, but the majority made their way towards India with varying degrees of success. Those that made it, after marching 1000 miles or more over jungle clad hills, crossed and re-crossed 2 major rivers, were suffering from mainly malaria and dysentery, were just skin and bone and needing considerable hospital treatment. Out of the original 3000 only some 2000 returned, 450 had been killed, 120 Burma Rifles permitted to shed uniforms and allowed to return to their villages and the remainder taken prisoner of war with few surviving that ordeal.

The General Headquarters Staff in India (Wingate thought them bloodsuckers and treated them accordingly) of course tried to rubbish the achievement, no major battle, or further ground had been won. They had lost a lot of government equipment (wireless sets, machine guns, mortars and mules), that in their eyes was failure. Wingate however was a professional, and ensured the press got a positive message, pointing out that ordinary British troops had destroyed the myth of the invincibility of the Japanese in the jungle.

The experience gained, enabled the RAF to develop an air supply system for troops operating remotely, or even when surrounded.

From the point of view of ordinary troops, the effect was to lessen the fear of the jungle, since if they could do it, then (with training) others also stood a chance.

The expedition also had a further two profound effects: -

The Japanese decided that they could do the same only on a larger scale using the same routes over the mountains through Imphal and Kohima into the Brahmaputa River valley where vast stores and equipment were kept. These stores could be used to fuel the advance of the Japanese Army as well as a possible uprising by India against the British, so they immediately started to plan for such an attack.
Churchill on hearing the results of the expedition ordered that Wingate be despatched to London post haste, in order that he could hear what had happened, from the man in charge.
Churchill then instructed Wingate to accompany him to America as part of his General Staff to talk with the US President and the Pentagon. Both were impressed with Wingate’s ideas and grasp of the situation and promised considerable extra aid to bring them to fruition. Churchill also gave permission for Wingate to get in touch with him directly if he encountered any difficulties or opposition. Wingate (now promoted to Major General) was in hospital with typhoid within a week of his return to India, and on the danger list for weeks, it taking him many more weeks to fully recover.

The 2nd Chindit Expedition in 1944

As a result of the summit conference in Quebec, the small American contingent in northern Burma was increased with more road making engineers, 3000 American troops to be trained in Chindit methods and the 1st Air Commando. The 1st Air Commando would include fighters, bombers, extra Dakota’s, Gliders and 100 light aircraft that could land on a football pitch (to take out wounded). They were to be made available to Wingate for a limited period; he was to make every effort to stop the Japanese getting supplies to their troops in northern Burma. The object of the extra American involvement was for American trained Chinese troops to push from India through Northern Burma and join up with a Chinese push from China. As they progressed from India a road would be built to join up with the old Burma/China Road, this would enable supplies to be transported to China by road.

The increase in size of the Chindits from one to six Brigades was achieved by adding the 111 Indian Brigade even before the American agreement; further increases were achieved attaching the all-British 70th Division and a Brigade of West Africans. The whole to be called ‘Special Force’ or 3rd Indian Division for security reasons and would consist of the following: -

3rd West African Brigade 14th Brigade

6th Bn. Nigeria Regt. (66 & 39) 2nd Bn Black Watch Regt (42 & 73)

7th Bn Nigeria Regt (29 & 35) 1st Bn Beds & Herts Regt (16 & 61)

12th Bn Nigeria Regt (12 & 43) 2nd Bn York & Lancs Regt (84 & 65)

7th Bn Leicester's Regt (47 & 74)

77 Brigade 111 Brigade

3rd Bn 6thGurkha Rifles (36&63) 1st Bn The Cameronians (26 & 90)

1st Bn Kings Regt (81 & 82) 2nd Bn Kings Own Royal Regt (41 & 46)

1st Bn Lancs Fusiliers (20 & 50) 3rd Bn 4th Gurkha Rifles (30)

1st Bn South Staffs Regt (38 & 80)

3rd Bn 9th Gurkha Rifles (57 & 93)

16 Brigade Morris Force

1st Bn Queens Regt (21 & 22) 4th Bn 9th Gurkha Rifles (49 & 94)

2nd Bn Leicester’s Regt (17 & 71) 3rd Bn 4th Gurkha Rifles (30)

45th Recce Regt (45 & 54)

51/69 R. Artillery {as infantry (51 & 69)} Bladet - Glider borne Commando Engrs.

Dah Force Native Kachin Levies

Stronghold Defences

R S &U Troop 160 Field Regt (25 Pounders) W X Y & Z Troops 69 Lt AA Regt (Bofors)

Numbers in brackets are the identity numbers each unit gave to its Columns (usually 2)

The objective given to Wingate was to assist the American General Stilwell in his drive to construct the road from Ledo, in Assam, India, by denying the Japanese the ability to reinforce or re-supply Japanese forces opposing the American/Chinese advancement in Northern Burma.

To implement this, Operation Thursday was put into operation. It began with the 16 Brigade in early Feb 44 to marching behind enemy lines, from. After a horrendous crossing of 2 mountain ranges (up to 8500ft, with heavy loads being manhandled up steep gradients), then crossing River Chindwin and on to the Indaw area in N. Burma a distance of approx. 350 miles. There, to establish a ‘Chindit Stronghold’, to be called Aberdeen, (a remote jungle Airstrip, with water supply and friendly natives to give early warning of an attack by Japanese). The 2nd Leicesters and Queens Columns being the first in the area set about defensive positions and levelling a strip to allow American Engineers with small Bulldozer to land by glider, they would then level a dirt Airstrip on which Dakota’s could land.

On the night of 24 March 1944 the Black Watch started to arrive, closely followed by the rest of 14 Brigade, who all dispersed to the Indaw area and beyond. After this, the 3rd W African Brigade came in, with 2 Columns going to what was to be known as ‘White City’ and the rest taking over the defence of ‘Aberdeen’ until its closure. As soon as 14 Brigade started to arrive, 16 Brigade, though exhausted and still short of 2 RA Columns, were instructed to resume their objective of capturing the town of Indaw. Leaving one Column of Queens to ambush traffic on the Indaw to Bamauk road the remaining 5 Columns of 16 Brigade had moved to Indaw by 28 March. The Japanese, had due to all the activity in the area, reinforced Indaw, with the result that the other Column of the Queens were attacked whilst in bivouac, the two Columns of the Recce Regt were pinned down and suffered heavy casualties extricating themselves. Only 2 Columns of 2nd Leicesters achieving their objectives, so the brigade had to return to Aberdeen to consolidate and recoup; before returning to attack the dumps in the surrounding area.

Broadway

On night of 5th March Brigadier Calvert with troops of King’s, Lancs Fusiliers and American Engrs set forth from Assam in sixty one Gliders to go over the mountains and land at a clearing to be named Broadway, on the eastern side of the Indaw to Mogaung railway valley (200 miles). Only 36 arrived with most crashing, due to logs and ruts on the landing area. Calvert sent the failure signal when he saw all the smashed gliders, but amended it to success when at daybreak the American Engineers came out of the jungle driving their bulldozer. Gliders were moved out of the way so bulldozer and scraper completed the dirt Airstrip, 60 Dakota’s landing that night (US Airforce Gen. Old being one of the first to step into history) bringing further troops and munitions. Over the next 5 nights further Dakota’s landed, bringing in over 9000 troops with their mules, ponies and munitions as well as artillery and anti aircraft guns. This included 4 Columns of 111 Brigade who had earlier dispersed to the Aberdeen area.

When the remainder of 77 Brigade had landed, Brig Calvert, leaving 4 Columns with the Anti Aircraft Guns and Artillery for the defence of Broadway, proceeded to the Railway Valley to establish a Stronghold later to be called White City. Lt. Col. Herring and his Kachins (Dah Force) also landed, they then crossed the Irrawaddy River and moved to the Chinese border, with the intention of harassing Japanese forces and recruiting further Kachins (reputably they were paid one Rupee for each Japanese left ear).

Around 7 March a further landing by gliders to took place south of Indaw and east of the Irrawaddy River establishing the airfield called Chowringhee. Here Morris Force landed and immediately proceeded north to the Bhamo – Myitkyina road area adjacent to the Chinese border. There to ambush Japanese convoys, demolish bridges and pass on information about Japanese concentrations to American Air Force. The remaining 4 Columns of 111 Brigade also landed and set off towards the Irrawaddy River calling for gliders to drop boats for the river crossing. Due to the delay in getting the mules to cross, they came under fire from the Japanese. So those that had crossed proceeded to join the rest of their Brigade, whilst those on the wrong side of the river, mainly heavy weapons and mules, were ordered north to join Morris Force. The Japanese Air Force did manage to locate Chowringhee and bombed it, but it was the day after it had been evacuated.

In all, some 18,000 troops with their animal transport, ‘had been inserted into the enemies guts’ was how Wingate described it, 200/150 miles behind the main Japanese front in Assam.

Columns on the move during this period were doing so in temperatures of 40° C, with each man having to carry 60/70 lbs. of equipment. With water being very scarce, when moving into night defence positions the first question was ‘is there any water’. In fact, water dictated what Columns could do. All supplies were delivered by air, to Columns on the move they were parachuted in, usually every 5 days where possible. The rations supplied, being American ‘K’ rations, comprised 3 packets (each the size of video cassette) per day, each containing small tin of meat (cheese for lunch), 4 biscuits and 4 cigarettes mainly they had a daily calorific deficiency (meant for troops in transit for 7/14 days). Chindits (high calories) had them for 5 month’s and so suffered from severe malnutrition. Extra rations for making tea were, of course, provided separately

The routine for Columns on the move was to ‘stand to’ (on guard) before dawn. After ‘stand down’, a half-hour would be allowed to light a fire for a cup of tea - with little smoke allowed (even in rain). At the time of move off each section would slot into its allotted position in column, march for 50 minutes, 10 minutes rest etc. for rest of day. Irrespective of temperature, only on or after 2nd stop could water be drunk (if you could spare it). The sight of the column leader against a tree signalled the day’s march end so each section radiated from the tree to their place on a clock dial so forming a defensive circle and to prepare for the night’s bivouac.

WINGATE was killed on the night of 24 March 1944 when the American Aircraft he was in, crashed.

Brigadier Lentainge of 111Bde (now promoted to Major General) took over, to the regret of many, he was thought to be a Chindit who appeared not to believe in Chindit ways. For the next 3 to 4 weeks 14, 16 and 111 Brigades were around the Indaw area harassing, ambushing and locating dumps containing munitions and stores (on to which bombers were directed), but not concentrated on any one target. In the later part of April things began to change, 111 Brigade was dispatched north to the Hopin area of the Railway valley to try to establish another Stronghold (Blackpool). 16 Brigade Columns were directed to Aberdeen or Broadway and evacuated, after which they were closed down and their mobile garrisons instructed to join the new stronghold Blackpool in the north.

In the meantime Brigadier Calvert had turned White City into a fortress with deep heavy timbered dugouts, with in depth outer defences of mined barbed wire, and its own airstrip with anti-aircraft guns and artillery. In the initial instance, the Brigadier himself had led a bayonet charge, to remove Japanese from a commanding height (probably the first and last time an officer of such rank had done such a thing). The Japanese made many suicidal attacks, suffering very heavy losses, leading a senior officer to commit suicide on the wire. Calvert’s method was to have close support bombing, combined with attacks by mobile Columns on any build up of attacking forces, leaving the rest to be taken care of on the barbed wire by machine guns and other small arms in the fortress. The place smelt of rotting bodies with vast clouds of flies, temperatures of 110° F, and Japanese reinforcements for Imphal front were diverted there because of its resistance.

In late April the 7th Bn Leicester’s (14 Bde) together with W. African Brigade were instructed to take over the defence of White City from the now exhausted 77 Brigade and formulate a plan to close it down. The rest of 14 Brigade moved north to help, except that its Columns would operate in a mobile role, outside. When all was in place, Dakota’s flew in during the night of 10 May and took out the large armaments, some stores and sick. With no reaction from the Japanese (very eerie), the 3rd W African and 14th British Brigades loaded their mules, put their heavy packs on their backs and moved out into the jungle and mountains on the west side of the valley heading north, leaving an empty, booby trapped stronghold to a large force of Japanese waiting to attack.

Mogaung

The much reduced 77 Brigade after a period of rest, moved north on the eastern side of railway valley. When opposite Blackpool they found it was impossible to apply pressure on the Japanese due to the now flooded railway valley. So they were instructed to move north and take the town of Mogaung at the head of the railway valley, even though, lightly armed troops (like the Chindits) were not considered suitable for an assault on defensive positions without supporting artillery. Roughly a 100 Kings Regt having been unable to cross the valley to join 111 Bde, due to a flooded Chaung (river) were re-absorbed into 77 Brigade.

Brigadier Calvert arrived in the hills near Mogaung around 1 June, selected a site for a dropping zone and a possible light plane strip. He then arranged for a massive munitions drop to commence and for the Brigade Engineers to start covering the strip with bamboo and matting so the light planes could land and take off without getting bogged down due to the torrential rains. Recce groups were sent out to locate Japanese positions and 80 ONYA Indians together with local elephants were enlisted, to assist the brigade animal transport carrying the munitions forward and to bring casualties back to the airstrip for evacuation, when light planes were available and able to land.

The infantry platoons, supported by close bombing by American bombers and heavy mortaring, gradually took out the Japanese outposts situated in the swampy, low lying, grassy ground that lay between the hills and Mogaung. When about to attack the railway station the American Chinese finally arrived on 18 June and took up siege positions on the western side of the town, but did little more than fire their weapons into the air. 77 Brigade continued their attacks until on 26 June when it was found the Japanese had gone. The Chinese realising this became suddenly brave, and rushed into the town. This was the first Burmese town to be retaken from the Japanese, even though the Stillwell had announced Myitkyina as being taken in May, they had in fact only taken the airfield (it took until Aug).

Calvert, having been ordered to Myitkyina, heard on world radio that American Chinese had taken Mogaung, he immediately announced he was taking umbrage and closed his radios down (Stillwell’s staff looked for Umbrage on maps). He also ordered 77 Brigade to make their way to Shaduzup in the hope of evacuation - 3 Battalions originally totalling 2700 plus down to 2000 plus in the hills before Mogaung, were now down to below 1000 and falling rapidly, due to onset of disease. Brigadier Calvert ordered to Shaduzup to face a possible court-martial, explained the Brigade’s achievements and was immediately awarded the American Silver Star by the American General Stilwell. The journey from Mogaung had the remains of the Brigade crawling their way through mud and ground water, with little food and no protection from monsoon rains, to Shaduzup. Those, who had not been immediately evacuated on medical grounds, were flown out to India with Calvert. The Brigade had earned three V.C.s, one in establishing ‘White City’ and two at Mogaung.

After leaving White City, the 3rd West African and the 14th British Brigade had to move onto the same line of hills due to Japanese activity, with the result that a column of each brigade could be on opposite sides of the same hill. When only just over halfway to the Indawgyi Lake in the north, on 15 May, the annual Monsoon rains started and the difficulties faced by all Columns, in all Brigades, tripled. Shortage of water was no longer a problem, but how to keep dry from heavy torrential rains with only a 750mm x 1800mm (2.5ft x 6ft) groundsheet as protection was. Henceforth both man and beast would have the greatest difficulty maintaining his footing when ascending or descending the slippery hills, be constantly in wet or damp clothing and bedding, while trudging through mud and water. These conditions would continue, with only small periods of respite, for the rest of the time they were in Burma. To add to their troubles in mid May the British General Slim transferred the overall control of the Chindits to the (anti British/Chinese loving) American General Stilwell. They also lost their preferential treatment when requesting bombing runs, in place of artillery, or requests for light planes (to evacuate casualties), they would have to wait in the queue.

Blackpool

On around 6th May 111 Brigade arrived in the hills north of Hopin, on the western side of the railway valley in the area selected for new stronghold, to be called ‘Blackpool’. Their presence was noted from the start, with the consequence that the Japanese mounted nightly raids, giving the defenders little rest, having to repel the Japanese at night and work all day on the defences or unloading planes when they arrived. Whilst the stronghold was able to receive a complement of artillery and anti aircraft guns it never constructed the heavily timbered dugouts or the mined, multiple wired, outer defences that were the characteristic of White City.

The first reinforcements to arrive were the 2 Columns of the King’s (Liverpool), to be followed a few days later by 3rd/9th Gurkha Battalion both from Broadway. All units at Blackpool were much under strength, due to previous engagements, with the consequence that there were insufficient numbers to form mobile Columns to attack Japanese units and artillery as they assembled to mount an attack. The onset of the Monsoon rains had turned Blackpool into a sea of mud, and had also delayed the arrival of 3rd (WA) and 14th Brigades and the clouds inhibited the bombing of the massing Japanese troops.

By 23rd May with mounting casualties, shortage of ammunition, ever-increasing Japanese artillery bombardment, encroachment of defences by attacking Japanese troops and with sniper fire from surrounding hills, abandonment of the stronghold was ordered. So began the mad scramble up the jungle covered hills. The walking wounded were met at the top by West African troops who assisted them over the hills and into the Indawgi Lake valley. There they assembled at Mokso Sakan to re-equip, gather their casualties together in the hope that they may be evacuated and try to overcome the effects of their recent traumatic experience.

Indawgui Lake

The first to arrive in the Indawgyi Lake area from White City, was a column of the 7th Leicester’s, who immediately proceeded up the Kyunsalia Pass, leading to Hopin in the railway valley. On attaining the top of the pass, it was noted that a large party of Japanese was ascending the pass from the Hopin area, so an ambush was set, and very successfully sprung. The result, on the 20th May, meant that to deny the Japanese access to the Indawgyi Lake area, the pass and the surrounding hills had to be defended by alternating Columns of 3rd WA and 14th Brigades, until it was finally evacuated and blown up, on 20th June. The time taken for the Columns to arrive in the Indawgi Lake valley was such that those Columns that could be allocated to go to assistance of Blackpool were already too late. Beds and Herts of 14 Bde, after some skirmishes around the Kyunsalia Pass, were despatched up the western side of the lake to secure the area to the north of the lake. Further Columns of 14 Bde and W Africans secured the heights north of the pass and the southern end of the lake.

Due to the torrential rains, light planes could not always take off in the swampy conditions that existed, in any case they were far too infrequent for the ever-increasing number of sick. It was therefore hoped that 2 Sunderland Flying Boats flying from the Brahmaputra River in Assam, could land on the fairly secure Indawgyi Lake and take out the wounded and sick of the 3 Brigades. Boats were dropped to enable the brigade engineers to prepare the lake for the Flying Boats and for the ferrying of casualties. On 6th June 44 the radio announced that ‘the sky over France was black with planes’, the Chindits waiting at the side of the Indawgyi Lake wondered if just one Sunderland Flying Boat would arrive. In all, only 6 flights took place, evacuating 240 casualties (40 at a time) before being stopped on 11 June.

By June, the condition of all Brigades was on a downward spiral as forecast by Wingate when he set the recommended 90 days limit. It was known that those on ‘K’ rations were receiving a daily deficit of 800 calories, which amounted to a 72000 calorie deficit over 90 days. Those Columns employed in a mobile role, having to carry their 50/70lb loads over hills that seemed to go up forever and had to make their meagre 5 day rations last 6-8days(or more) when a suitable dropping site could not be found, had an even greater deficit. Add to this the aversion of some to certain parts of the K rations, after 4 months most Chindits had lost 3 stone in weight, and were invariably lethargic and susceptible to many ailments. The Monsoons (lasting from 15 May onwards) were an addition to the equation, not only requiring greater effort when moving, and ensuring long periods of living in damp or wet conditions but they also brought about an onset of other problems. For example, the greater activity of leeches on lower slopes (removal sometimes causing septic ulcers), trench feet (meaning a minimum of days of inactivity keeping feet dry), any scratch or cut turning septic, jungle sores (probably everyone had these, at the end) and multiple outbreaks of boils. Outbreaks of diseases such as Typhus (mainly 14 Bde), Dysentery/Diarrhoea, Hepatitis and all forms of Malaria became ever more prevalent. For Columns on the move, it took 4 per stretcher with 4 to relieve them (easy to overwhelm a column).

On June 16 the Chinese troops, under American control, at long last overcame Japanese resistance at Kamaing and advanced down the road towards Mogaung. With Kamaing being only 35 miles to the north the Chindits, in the Indawgi Lake area, had for the first time, the chance of a land link by which their 300, and rising, casualties could be evacuated. Rubber assault boats were parachuted in and boat handlers, after being given a parachuting course lasting 4 days, parachuted in. 14 Brigade engineers and W. African sappers, using materials and bamboo from the adjacent jungle, lashed 5 boats to a framed platform capable of carrying up to forty troops complete with cover from sun and rain, with the whole being driven by outboard motors. In all ten such vessels were made, each being given a naval type name (i.e. Ark Royal etc.). This enabled 400 casualties to be evacuated from the Indawgyi Lake north through the labyrinth of watercourses to the Mogaung River at Kamaing. The journey, (as the crow flies) was only some 35 miles, but the actual journey being more than double, with the crew and casualties having to clear the many blockages of watercourses as they went. These vessels on arrival at the Mogaung River were also used to ferry mules from 77 Bde as well as being used for ferrying Jeeps and 15 cwt trucks across the Mogaung River (was this 36 Div. on their way to relieve Chindits).

111 Brigade after a short rest and being re-equipped, shed all of its wounded and the rapidly growing number of sick to lakeside landing stage near Mokso Sakan, then moved north onto the hills to the east of Lahkren. As the Beds and Herts of 14 Brigade were securing the area to the immediate north of Indawgi Lake, 111 Bde sent out their Recce platoons east towards Mogaung, only to find the area alive with parties of Japanese. They were then ordered to take Point 2171 in the railway valley, and this was achieved, in spite of fierce Japanese resistance on 20 June (Brit. Gurkha Officer earning the VC) and held until early July, before being re-taken by the Japanese.

The brigade was now only capable of bringing its wounded and sick to the hills east of Lakhren, from where casualties could be started on their journey out. After many demands the Brigade was medically examined on 27 July in the area around Mla, situated in the hills between Lakhren and Pahok, by U.S. and British medical officers. Out of 2000 (the remains of 111 Brigade) only 119 were passed as fit for further duty, all others to be evacuated. After a short period the remaining 119 were also evacuated, with the final ones travelling by jeep railway from Mogaung to Myitkyina about 1 Aug.

Hill 60

Early June saw 2 Columns of 3rd WA Brigade (7th Bn) moving north over the jungle clad hills and mountains that lay between the railway valley and the Indawgi Lake valley to emerge in the railway valley near the Sahmaw Chaung around 2 July. There to be joined by 2 Columns of 6th Nigeria Regt who had been with 111 Bde. The 12th Nigeria Regt, after the evacuation of the Kyunsalia Pass, also moved north passing through Mokso Sakan, Lakhren and the surrounding hills to join the rest of 3rd W.A. Bde already in the railway valley. Their objective was a fortified feature situated between the road and Sahmaw called ‘Hill 60’ to which roving bands of Japanese were attracted, in fact a sign in Japanese was later found by the roadside directing them there. After intensive bombing several attempts were made to take the feature all ending in failure, until the arrival of British 36 Div. who combined with the 3rd West Africans to finally take the feature on the 5 August. The WA Brigade then went on to take their final objective Sahmaw on the 8 Aug and were able to make their way out through Mogaung and Myitkyina around 12 Aug, with few of their UK Officers and N.C.O ‘s still with them.

During July and into August, British manned U.S. M3 type motor launches started transporting over 1800 casualties that had assembled at Kamaing, up the Mogaung River to Shaduzup, from where they could be flown out. These casualties had arrived, by boat from the Indawgi Lake area, or by elephant and pony from Lakhren, or had walked/stumbled along the jungle paths again from Lakhren. All journeys had been long, slow and taking many days to complete, with some dying on the way, due to their escorts and medics being in almost as bad a condition as the sick.

After the evacuation of the Kyunsalia Pass, 14 Brigade, less Beds and Herts who were already north of the lake, started to move north except their route lay in traversing the steep jungle clad hills/mountains that lay between the Indawgi Lake and the railway valley. As the route taken by 111 Bde to ‘Blackpool’ was now unusable, new routes had to be found for each column. Due to the torrential rains and steep inclines most Soft Skins, together with the sick and in some cases the support groups, were forced to go north via Mokso Sakan and Lahkren to join up with their Columns at a later date.

The physically and numerically depleted Columns of 14 Brigade climbed to the top of the mountain range with a minimum of animal transport, and then had to get down to the Namkin Chaung area for further supplies. With ever increasing casualties due to disease and many deaths, battle groups probed villages, but refrained from taking battle casualties where possible, since each casualty unable to walk required 4 to carry stretcher and another 4 to carry the packs. By mid July with all Columns moving north, 14 Brigade HQ at Ngaushawawng allocating a large Basha (Hut) in the village for the brigade’s sick, so providing protection from the continuous rain. About this time, the ‘Paras’ set up a Field Ambulance Unit (with airstrip) at Pahok. The end of July saw soft skins, support groups and their sick, rejoining their units. A sick route to Pahok (on the Kamaing to Mogaung road) was established, from re casualties could be evacuated by light plane, or by the of July, by a Jeep Train from Mogaung to Myitkyina. While some casualties were taken by pony, many others had to walk or stumble their way there, holding on to the pony’s stirrup, if they were lucky, but some died, especially those with typhus.

14 Brigade made a final effort, now able to use their support groups, in early Aug taking positions along the railway valley from Labu to Taungni (including Point 2171). When the fresh faced, clean shaven and energetic troops of 36 Division advanced down the railway valley from 9-12 Aug relieving the Chindits, they were met by be-whiskered scarecrows with battered Bush hats on their heads, emerging from the nearby jungle who asked them ‘what’s taken you so long?’

The final battalion of Chindits, now 400 instead of 900, having traversed over 500 miles of jungle covered hills in N Burma, passed through Myitkyina around the 25 August with most having lost at least three stones and facing a future of six to eight months of going in and out of hospital. But they could for the first time in 5 months talk above a whisper and sleep at night without the ever- constant fear of being attacked or left behind if the column moved in the night. They could shout, get under cover if it rained, get lost (without fear) and ask someone the way back. They could fall ill (again without fear) and might even end up in hospital, within hours. Nor did they have to carry that dammed pack everywhere they went, or climb that never-ending hill with squelching boots.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

Only 5 Chindit Brigades have so far been mentioned the 6th(sister Bde to 14 Bde) was 23rd Brigade who arrived on the Dimapur plain in Assam on 5 April 44 and comprised the following: -

1ST Bn Essex Regt (44&56 Cols) 2nd Bn Duke of Wellington Regt (33&76 Cols)

4th Bn Border Regt (34&55 Cols) 60th Regt R.A. (as infantry (60&68 Cols))

Due to the threat to the very large supply dumps situated on the Dimapur plain that the Japanese attack on Kohima posed, the brigade was transferred to 33 Corp., with their role changed to short range penetration (SRPG) instead of long range (LRPG). Initially the Brigade spread it’s self out on the jungle clad hills (probably 5000ft high) to the north of Kohima so as to observe any movement by the Japanese towards the Dimapur plain. It soon became apparent that the Japanese were now fully occupied with trying to take Kohima, so fresh instructions were given to use their mobility and carry out aggressive guerrilla actions on the Japanese rear.

The brigade spread out and started to move south at the same time eliminating any remote Japanese position, where resistance was met, Hurribombers (Hurricane Fighters fitted with bombs or rockets) were directed onto the target by RAF personnel with the Columns. The local Naga tribesmen were co-opted into helping the brigade by building an Airstrip atop of a 4000ft hill, maintaining tracks, and helping shelter and carry casualties to positions from which they could be evacuated. Further assistance was given in the form of Intelligence, since they could more easily move around the very steep sided hills.

After being expelled from Kohima area the Japanese started to retreat rapidly, such that the brigade had great difficulty keeping pace but ambushes were set up at every opportunity. When fresh troops moved in and retook Ukhrul the brigade, on the overlooking hills, were suitably placed to take a heavy toll of the large numbers of retreating Japanese. Once again the Chindits suffered large weight loss due to the meagre ‘K’ rations and heavy expenditure of energy climbing the steep rain soaked hills, they were also open to attack from malaria, dysentery and many diseases that were rife in the area one of which was Typhus.

When the brigade was withdrawn the following extract from 33 Corp. order of the Day was issued: - ‘traversing many hundreds of miles of the most difficult country imaginable, in parts of which malaria and disease was rife, under severely trying climatic conditions and against a cunning and ruthless enemy. I doubt if such a feat demanding superb physical fitness, inexhaustible endurance and unlimited determination has ever been carried out by British Troops in the history of the Army’.

Such accolades, how different to the American General Stilwell, who received a similar or even greater contribution from the American Marauders and other Chindit Brigades. All he and his staff could do was complain about the time taken to get from one place to another, they could read a ruler (i.e. mileage) but seemed unable to read contour lines (i.e. mountains in the way).

Finally let’s give an accolade to the American pilots of the light planes that came in, whatever the conditions, to fly out the wounded and sick over the treetops to the nearest airfield with Dakota’s going back to India.

M-E-M-O-R-I-E-S-

On the second attempt at flying in on 2 April, to be woken up by one of the aircrew saying ‘we are landing’. So looking out the window and seeing lights all over the place, thought ‘we have come back to base again’. Wrong! A voice said, when the doors opened, ‘jump the mules out, load them up, put your packs on and move into the jungle at the side of the runway and then bed down till daylight, this is Aberdeen.' So passed the first night, 120 miles behind enemy lines.

When asked at Myitkyina in around the 21st Aug, the way to the airfield, an American’s jaw dropped open. Probably the first time he had seen a skeleton move and speak. Rumour said, that you reported to a shed on Myitkyina airfield to be told where to go for the next air-ambulance, it also said that 2 people had sat in a cane chair there and had died. I found the shed but didn’t look for the chair.

After arriving in Assam (India) we were assembled in the Airport Lounge and told ‘proceed down the passage to waiting ambulances, with the exception of Special Forces’. Halfway down the passage we thought, ‘Special Forces? Let’s have a look at them.' There to find the rest of our party, and we suddenly remembered, what seemed such a long, long, time ago we had been called ‘Special Forces’. Call me suspicious but was this a means of keeping the state we were in, away from the public, because I have yet to see any photos of the remnants of a Column coming out

"A pony groom took charge of a very sick man (105ºF) at the end of July for a journey over the 3500 ft range of hills between Lakhren and Ngusharawng (10 miles on the map). For 5 days and 5 nights he ensured his charge did not fall off, making sure his pony kept its footing, going up and down the very steep and slippery hillsides, wading through knee high mud and fast flowing streams. At night he would erect a shelter to give protection from the relentless rain, then cook and share his meagre rations. When the party of sick reached 14 Bde HQ the groom himself became a casualty, being too weak to go further, having suffered from malaria, dysentery and jaundice, all the while he was looking after his charge. He lingered for 3 days in a makeshift tent of parachute, then died, a skeleton stretched over with yellow skin". This is taken from Graves-Morris’s ‘2nd Battalion, York and Lancaster Regt in Burma’ and will remind all those on the hills of the railway valley, of the conditions that existed.

After a further 3 trips to hospital with malaria, I managed to be with the Battalion for Christmas and my 21st birthday.

- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -

E P I L O G U E

The Chindits were disbanded in February 1945 – the reason given ‘That the whole of 14th Army was Chindit minded.’

The 14th Army continued it’s very rapid advance, re-taking most of Burma by the start of the Monsoons in 1945, helped by using the extra planes, RAF attachments and tactics obtained and perfected by Wingate and the Chindits.

Writers were still finding the Chindit story worth writing about 50 years after the event.

Army and Territorial units still use the name Chindit and it’s associated names for any special barracks, squads and schemes.

Ex-Chindits and ex-SAS (also disbanded after the war) were involved in recommending and planning the formation of Malaysian Rangers as a means of combating the Chinese guerrillas who were causing so much trouble in Malaya during the period prior to their independence.
« Last Edit: July 9, 2005, 12:33:24 AM by Maggie May »
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Offline BIGdavalad

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #135 on: July 9, 2005, 12:28:49 AM »
Forgive me for the stupid question, but do you have something like this over in England? If so where is it located?

National Memorial Arboretum in Staffordshire

We also have the Cenotaph in London

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Offline nyujvary

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #136 on: July 9, 2005, 12:53:42 AM »
National Memorial Arboretum in Staffordshire

We also have the Cenotaph in London



thanks for that

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #137 on: July 9, 2005, 02:26:00 AM »
.
All the badge kissing in the world don't make up for the fact that they are, frankly, not Liverpool Football Club. It's not their fault. Its just how it is.

Offline blert596

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #138 on: July 9, 2005, 02:35:33 AM »
the last picture is of an young guy who was on my det in Minden. 2 years after I was posted elsewhere, he actually died on the vehicle he is pictured in. Went to sleep on top of the panzer (439) and never woke up. Left the exhausts of the 3.5kva genes under the net, and heavy rain and mist came down and he died in his maggot of I think it was carbon monoxide poisoning. Bad det drills, but a bloody shame. Good young lad as well. RIP mate.
All the badge kissing in the world don't make up for the fact that they are, frankly, not Liverpool Football Club. It's not their fault. Its just how it is.

Offline Sez_20

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #139 on: July 9, 2005, 03:12:18 AM »
In response to the original post, about the signing of the German surrender I highly recommend the recent film "Der Untergang"(The Downfall). Released here around March I think but if you can catch it it's well worth a look.

Was released earlier in Germany and in France and was the subject of much controversy. Particularly amongst the Jewish population who thought that it was wrong to portray Hitler in an almost 'human' light. It recounts the last days of WW2, with a personal focus on the leader himself, through the eyes of his secretary whose memoirs the film is based on. A very interesting picture and a different approach to your average war film.

http://uk.imdb.com/title/tt0363163/

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #140 on: July 9, 2005, 08:54:29 AM »
There was a fine mod, name of Pheeny
Who'd ne'er be seen dead in a beany
He'd go for long runs
To tone abs, thighs and buns
And his moustache was far, far from teeny

©The 5th Benitle

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #141 on: July 9, 2005, 09:23:04 AM »
Maggie,Ri-Red and Njujvary

Thanks a million for your replies and i think a trip to the IWM is defo in order next time i am down in the smoke.

Off on holiday today for a week but when i get back will continue to post on this thread.

As for "Bouchard". I know HMS Alacrity did sink one Argentinian Supply ship. Wether it was the one Njujvary was refering to i am sure we will find out in due course.

Later :wave

Edit: The supply ship it sunk was "ARA Isla de los Estados" ???
« Last Edit: July 9, 2005, 09:30:00 AM by Buck Pete »

Offline LpoolLou

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #142 on: July 9, 2005, 12:07:50 PM »

Reproduced below is a poem written in the aftermath of the First World War, entitled Any Soldier To His Son.  Of anonymous origin the poem recounted its author's wartime experiences in a somewhat light-hearted manner until, towards the poem's close, he rails against the lies written of the war by the press and individual journalists.  And to his son who expresses an interest in wartime service he concludes "Before the things that were that day should ever more befall / May God in common pity destroy us once and all".

                                 Any Soldier To His Son

What did I do, sonny, in the Great World War?
Well, I learned to peel potatoes and to scrub the barrack floor.
I learned to push a barrow and I learned to swing a pick,
I learned to turn my toes out, and to make my eyeballs click.
I learned the road to Folkestone, and I watched the English shore,
Go down behind the skyline, as I thought, for evermore.
And the Blighty boats went went by us and the harbour hove in sight,
And they landed us and sorted us and marched us "by the right".
"Quick march!" across the cobbles, by the kids who rang along
Singing "Appoo?" "Spearmant" "Shokolah?" throught dingy old Boulogne;
By the widows and the nurses and the niggers and Chinese,
And the gangs of smiling Fritzes, as saucy as you please.

I learned to ride as soldiers ride from Etaps to the Line,
For days and nights in cattle trucks, packed in like droves of swine.
I learned to curl and kip it on a foot of muddy floor,
And to envy cows and horses that have beds of beaucoup straw.
I learned to wash in shell holes and to shave myself in tea,
While the fragments of a mirror did a balance on my knee.
I learned to dodge the whizz-bangs and the flying lumps of lead,
And to keep a foot of earth between the sniper and my head.
I learned to keep my haversack well filled with buckshee food,
To take the Army issue and to pinch what else I could.
I learned to cook Maconochie with candle-ends and string,
With "four-by-two" and sardine-oil and any God-dam thing.
I learned to use my bayonet according as you please
For a breadknife or a chopper or a prong for toasting cheese.
I learned "a first field dressing" to serve my mate and me
As a dish-rag and a face-rag and a strainer for our tea.
I learned to gather souvenirs that home I hoped to send,
And hump them round for months and months and dump them in the end.
I learned to hunt for vermin in the lining of my shirt,
To crack them with my finger-nail and feel the beggars spirt;
I learned to catch and crack them by the dozen and the score
And to hunt my shirt tomorrow and to find as many more.

I learned to sleep by snatches on the firestep of a trench,
And to eat my breakfast mixed with mud and Fritz's heavy stench.
I learned to pray for Blighty ones and lie and squirm with fear,
When Jerry started strafing and the Blighty ones were near.
I learned to write home cheerful with my heart a lump of lead
With the thought of you and mother, when she heard that I was dead.
And the only thing like pleasure over there I ever knew,
Was to hear my pal come shouting, "There's a parcel, mate, for you."

So much for what I did do - now for what I have not done:
Well, I never kissed a French girl and I never killed a Hun,
I never missed an issue of tobacco, pay, or rum,
I never made a friend and yet I never lacked a chum.
I never borrowed money, and I never lent - but once
(I can learn some sorts of lessons though I may be borne a dunce).
I never used to grumble after breakfast in the Line
That the eggs were cooked too lightly or the bacon cut too fine.
I never told a sergeant just exactly what I thought,
I never did a pack-drill, for I never quite got caught.
I never punched a Red-Cap's nose (be prudent like your Dad),
But I'd like as many sovereigns as the times I've wished I had.
I never stopped a whizz-bang, though I've stopped a lot of mud,
But the one that Fritz sent over with my name on was a dud.
I never played the hero or walked about on top,
I kept inside my funk hole when the shells began to drop.
Well, Tommy Jones's father must be made of different stuff:
I never asked for trouble - the issue was enough.

So I learned to live and lump it in the lovely land of war,
Where the face of nature seems a monstrous septic sore,
Where the bowels of earth of earth hang open, like the guts of something slain,
And the rot and wreck of everything are churned and churned again;
Where all is done in darkness and where all is still in day,
Where living men are buried and the dead unburied lay;
Where men inhabit holes like rats, and only rats live there;
Where cottage stood and castle once in days before La Guerre;
Where endless files of soldiers thread the everlasting way,
By endless miles of duckboards, through endless walls of clay;
Where life is one hard labour, and a soldiers gets his rest
When they leave him in the daisies with a puncture in his chest;
Where still the lark in summer pours her warble from the skies,
And underneath, unheeding, lie the blank upstaring eyes.

And I read the Blighty papers, where the warriors of the pen
Tell of "Christmas in the trenches" and "The Spirit of our men";
And I saved the choicest morsels and I read them to my chum,
And he muttered, as he cracked a louse and wiped it off his thumb:
"May a thousand chats from Belgium crawl under their fingers as they write;
May they dream they're not exempted till they faint with mortal fright;
May the fattest rats in Dickebusch race over them in bed;
May the lies they've written choke them like a gas cloud till they're dead;
May the horror and the torture and the things they never tell
(For they only write to order) be reserved for them in Hell!"

You'd like to be a soldier and go to France some day?
By all the dead in Delville Wood, by all the nights I lay
Between our lines and Fritz's before they brought me in;
By this old wood-and-leather stump, that once was flesh and skin;
By all the lads who crossed with me but never crossed again,
By all the prayers their mothers and their sweethearts prayed in vain,
Before the things that were that day should ever more befall
May God in common pity destroy us one and all!

96 candles burn bright

Offline BIGdavalad

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #143 on: July 9, 2005, 12:44:38 PM »
the last picture is of an young guy who was on my det in Minden. 2 years after I was posted elsewhere, he actually died on the vehicle he is pictured in. Went to sleep on top of the panzer (439) and never woke up. Left the exhausts of the 3.5kva genes under the net, and heavy rain and mist came down and he died in his maggot of I think it was carbon monoxide poisoning. Bad det drills, but a bloody shame. Good young lad as well. RIP mate.

Bloody awful that fella, you hear the horror stories about putting your exhaust extensions on and that and you never believe that it could happen to you. What a waste.

Lou - didn't get your PM until you'd posted it - cheers for that though, brilliant poem  :wave
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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #144 on: July 9, 2005, 12:59:17 PM »
Posted by Scouser_Phil in another thread, another take on Scouser Tommy:

Near Bootle docks in a terraced street
where kids played football in bare feet
stands little Tommy, 8 years of age
most kids were poor in pre war days.

They’d have to borrow, beg or steal
and rarely ate a decent meal
but no one held their heads in shame
for kids back then were all the same.

Together with his little mates
they’d peer through the dockyard gates
at merchant ships from far and wide
who’s cargo’s had them hypnotized.

They never stole for gain or greed
they stole for basic human need
a sense of ‘conscience’ did not exist
thats just a word used by the rich.

As Tommy grew into his teens
he’d make a shilling by any means
he’d steal from Peter to pay back Paul
to watch his hometown play football.

To anfield every other week
he’d amble through the cobbled streets
climbing gas lamps with dirty hands
stealing apples, and skipping trams.

He’d stand upon a wooden crate
to watch Kays team of 38
Mcdougal and Busby played at half back
while Balmer and Kinghorn led the attack.

Like all young lads he had no cares
life is such bliss, when your unaware
one big adventure from day to day
just eat and sleep, and steal and play.

For boys like Tommy, knew not their fate
a world wide conflict soon lay in wait
their youth was halted in its tracks
as war torn Europe, faced Hitlers wrath.

Now aged 16, Tom soon filled out
and learned to put himself about
he’d watch his team at anfield play
he’d sing and shout, but got carried away.

He developed a taste for the local brew
and before each match, had quite a few
he’d run on the pitch to the penalty spot
but was unfortunately thrown out quite alot.

He wasn’t malicious, cruel or mean
his heart was big, but his pockets were lean
but like all folk from pre war days
he had respect for his elders ways.

The sound of cheering and waving rattles
would soon be swapped for guns and battles
aged just 19, who would have guessed
he’d soon do battle, with Rommels best

Together with his older brother
he kissed the cheek of his tear-filled mother
in his uniform, with his packet of fags
and his lucky red hat, in his old kit bag.

Then off he went on a southbound train
en route to the battle of El Alamein
to the royal artillery, he was commissioned
with the 51st Gordon Highland Division.

He arrived in October of 42
as Monty’s 8th army were turning the screw
but nothing prepared him for what was to come
in the blistering, searing north African sun

They were given their orders, to relieve the front-line
but the path to Tripoli, was ladened with mines
so they’d all split up into 12 man platoons
then tip toe with death through the minefields and dunes.


There was just no escaping the sweltering sun
or the deafening noise of the bresa guns
there were flys in their thousands and nothing but sand
in this god forsaken war torn land.

They came to a clearing by a salt marsh trail
where a battle enraged, on a frightening scale
the shell fire was deafening, as smoke filled the sky
Tommy muttered a prayer “ Lord dont let me die.”

He reached in his pocket for his lucky red hat
things were looking real bad, for these desert rats
the German panzers had attacked from both flanks
leaving smouldering corpses, of burnt out tanks.

Then orders were given by Tommys command
to gain high ground and make a stand
he kissed his hat , as he put it away
then advanced with his troop, on his final day.

In the mayhem which followed, on that hot afternoon
there was all but 2, of his 12 man platoon
they were trapped in a crater, left by a shell
all around lay the bodies of those who had fell.

The soldier with Tommy, was hit and in pain
his trembling hand, held his cross and chain
he said“ Get me home“ with a tear in his eye
“ Just leave it to scouse“ came Tommys reply.

So amidst the screeching of mortars and shells
he decided to dash, through this living hell
he took a deep breath, closed his eyes
touched his hat once again, then climbed over the rise.

But Tommys dash would be ill fated
as deaths dark angel calmly waited
for as he stood to make his run
he was sprayed with bullets, from an old nazi gun.

He danced in a death like a marionette
falling back in the crater, from which he’d just left
his injured friend crawled across where he lay
but the bright burning sun was now fading to grey.

As the blood from his headwound flowed into the sand
his weakening grip, dropped the hat from his hand
the lucky red hat which he treasured so much
lay tattered and bloodstained, in the African dust.

Then visions flashed before his eyes
of his Liverpool home, and times gone by
his tearful mother, and his childhood mates
waved up to the sky, from the dockyard gates.

As the African sands of time ran dry
a tear appeared in Tommys eye
as he thought of anfield so far away
where he’d no longer watch his idols play.

It was at this point just before he died
that he turned to the soldier by his side
he reached out a hand, and pulled him near
then whispered his last words into his ear.

The month was January of 43
about 20 miles east of Tripoli
in the blistering heat, there was something cold
it was the body of a boy, just 20 years old.

The last words he uttered, through his dying breath
are a lasting legacy to Tommys death
some 60 years after his heavenly call
his words are now folklaw, sang by us all.

The sacrifices that those boys made
seem long forgotten by folk these days
they died so we could all be free
they died for the likes of you and me.

So every time we sing that song
we must remember right from wrongs
we’ll sing it loud, and recall with pride
poor scouser Tommy, and the millions who died.
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Offline nyujvary

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #145 on: July 9, 2005, 02:12:07 PM »
Found this today...

Written by Lt. Edmund Scrivener
Border Regiment 1st Airborne Division
Arnhem, Holland

Death In Oosterbeek

At the dawning he came to me again,
That gentle smile, and blood upon his cheek
Reminding me, for his end had come
In the dappled woods of Oosterbeek.
A passing shower of German mortar bombs
Had driven me beneath a fallen tree,
And when, at last I rose, prepared to go,
I saw him turn his head and look at me.
The wonder and compassion in his eyes,
The friendship of the smile upon his face,
Mocked the blood that trickled from his lips,
And made me curse aloud the human race.
He knew they could not hurt him any more,
No longer would he feel the pains and fears,
Forgiveness shone from that young soldier's face,
The mem’ry brings a flood of angry tears.

I wish these tears would wash away the thought
That e’en in death we humiliate them so;
I saw him later at the First Aid Post,
A label tied to his bare and lifeless toe.
I often wonder who that young lad was,
Who gave his life to cross the bloody Rhine;
And if no loved ones have him in their thoughts,
Come haunt me lad, and live again in mine.

Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #146 on: July 9, 2005, 07:56:30 PM »
Excellent, excellent posts. 

And rest in peace Jock, you poor lad.
Rather a day as a lion than a lifetime as a sheep.

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Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #147 on: July 9, 2005, 08:05:58 PM »
The Women's Land Army in Britain
 
The Land Army fights in the fields. It is in the fields of Britain that the most critical battle of the war may well be fought and won.
Lady Denman, 1939


In 1939, the farming community of Britain greeted the idea of a Women's Land Army (WLA) with scorn. It was the view of those who worked the land that it was no place for a decent woman.

More than 100,000 Land Girls and 11 years later, it was the once-sceptical National Farmers' Union that protested the most when the WLA was officially disbanded.

How can such a change of heart be explained?

The WLA set out to replace men in the fields, the milking parlours and the forests for the duration. That it achieved that goal so successfully, is down to the great vision and organisational skills of Lady Denman, the WLA's Director, and to the hard work, dedication and cheerfulness of thousands of girls who met the challenge and kept Britain fed for over a decade.

World War One

The roots of the WLA lie in World War One. Germany successfully mounted naval blockades on Britain's food imports, which made up 50% of the country's requirements. There was an acute farm labour shortage because workers were needed for military service and horses were commandeered by the forces. In 1917 the harvest failed and Britain was left with just three weeks' reserve of food. Famine loomed.

The Government's Food Production Department acted with alacrity and set up the Land Army. Lady Trudie Denman (of the fledgling Women's Institute) was appointed to organise the WLA and by 1918 there were 23,000 Land Girls at work milking, ploughing, herding and even thatching. In 1919 the WLA was disbanded as men returned home and shipping once again delivered food to Britain.

The Second Women's Land Army

On the eve of World War Two there was a recognition that Britain needed to grow more of its own food, to avoid the near-disaster of 1917. Subsequently, between May and September 1939, farmers were paid £2 per acre of grassland that they ploughed up, for what was known as the Battle for Wheat. The aim was to have two million acres of grassland ploughed in time for the 1940 harvest. The target was reached in April 1940.

Alongside the policy for increased food production, there was a realisation that there was a shortfall of around 50,000 agricultural workers, due to decades of emigration to urban factory work, recruitment into the forces and then general conscription. It was to fill this gap that the WLA was reborn.

Despite praise in 1918 for the WLA from politicians and farmers alike, by the time it seemed inevitable that Britain was facing war again, its re-establishment was met with suspicion and derision. Nonetheless, Lady Denman was appointed Director and she used her experience from the previous conflict to good effect. She set up systems for recruitment, enlisting, training, placements and welfare of Land Girls.

On June 1st 1939 the second WLA was officially formed and recruitment got underway. The first two groups of Land Girls were trained before war broke out in September.

The girls were interviewed to see if they were suitable, then were given a medical examination and enrolled. The official minimum age was 17, but some lied and became Land Girls at 16 or even younger. It wasn't hard to get into the WLA. One girl stated that she didn't have flat feet or varicose veins when asked by a doctor and was accepted with no further examination. Another who wore glasses, was asked to read a sheet of letters of diminishing size. As she struggled to undertake the request, the doctor said Never mind, I suspect you'd see a charging bull and passed her. Life then changed and gave many new Land Girls a rude awakening.

Life in the Women's Land Army

All Land Girls were issued with a uniform, which became synonymous with healthy, outdoor living. For walking out1 they wore laced brown brogue shoes, baggy brown corduroy breeches and knee length fawn socks. A green V-necked long-sleeved ribbed jumper was worn over a fawn aertex shirt, with the WLA tie for formal wear. And on their heads they wore brown felt porkpie-style hats. A three-quarter length waterproof brown overcoat finished the outfit. Brown dungarees, a matching jacket and wellington boots were issued for work clothes.

Most Land Girls had been barmaids, waitresses, maids, hairdressers, mill workers before joining the WLA. Some had joined straight from school. Few had ever worked the land and many had not lived in the countryside. More than a third of the girls came from London and the industrial cities of the north. They were insulated from country life and they did not always understand what was required of them, despite their introductory training. The reality of being a Land Girl was far from being that depicted on the glamorous recruitment posters.

At the outbreak of war, the average wage for a male agricultural worker was 38 shillings a week, well below the national average wage of 80 shillings a week. Thanks to Lady Denman, Land Girls were awarded a minimum wage, but this was even less than their male counterparts would receive. They earned just 28 shillings a week, half of which was typically deducted for board and lodgings. Once a girl had worked six months, and if she was working more than 20 miles from home, she was entitled to a free journey home, courtesy of the WLA. However, there was no set holiday entitlement, paid or unpaid. It was left up to individual farmers to decide when a girl could take time off.

At the start of the war almost all the Land Girls lived in lodgings or billets near to, or actually on, the farms to which they'd been allocated. These could be cottages with the families of other workers, or in the farmhouse with the farmer and his wife. Few such houses had baths or readily available hot water for washing. As the war progressed, mobile gangs of Land Girls were set up to work on different farms. They lived in hostels which were vacant country houses and schools, where they were looked after by a warden and where conditions tended to be more comfortable than in billets. There could be anything between 6 and 100 girls in these hostels.

While the Land Army Manual gave the girls advice about adapting to their new lifestyles, it was nevertheless a shock for the city girls in particular.

One Land Girl, in her first week of work, was handed a bucket of soapy water by the cowman and told to wash down the cow just milked. He turned to get on with milking the next in line and was exasperated to see that the Land Girl washed the cow down from head to foot, rather than just the udders as he'd intended. Another girl was asked if she would help castrate the pigs and almost passed out when she saw what it meant.

Not only were there new skills to learn and knowledge to acquire, but the work was very hard. Farm machinery was made for and operated by fit men, used to the physical requirements of the job.

The hours were long: morning milking usually started at 4 o'clock. They were expected to work 48 hours a week in winter and 50 hours a week in summer, but most girls worked many more, especially during the harvest.

Many girls were placed on farms singly, so loneliness could be a problem. Lady Denman had foreseen these issues and the County Committees and support staff that she set up ensured that the girls had somebody to talk to about any concerns that they had.

To describe every job that the Land Girls did would be impossible because they did everything that had to be done on the land. Not only did they plant and harvest wheat; they milked cows and delivered the milk by pony and trap to local houses; they picked sprouts; they dug potatoes; they tended flocks of sheep; looked after pigs and poultry; they picked fruit. There were specialists who were trained in rat-catching and there was the Timber Corps, which felled, hauled and milled Britain's commercial forests.

Disbandment

In 1945, servicemen began to return to Britain once the war ended. But the WLA was still hard at work, ensuring that there was enough food. Whilst the Women's Land Army did not prevent food rationing in Britain during the war, it did prevent a famine. There was always enough food to go round. But their efforts were required for several years once the war ended, until the male agricultural workers returned to the land. And once they had, the girls helped them to learn how to operate the machinery that had been introduced in the years that they had been away.

Many girls had given up full-time work in factories, in hotels and in service to join the Land Army. Despite Lady Denman's best efforts, and unlike servicemen and women, Land Girls had no help to find peacetime work at the end of the war. This caused some distress as girls faced unemployment. In fact Lady Denman was so incensed by the situation, that she resigned as Director of the WLA in 1945 in protest2. Needless to say there were girls who stayed on the land; either as farmhands, or because they married men they met while they were in the WLA, but most eventually found work elsewhere.

The number of girls working in the WLA gradually decreased until, on October 21st 1950, it was officially disbanded. At a ceremony at Buckingham Palace 500 Land Girls marched past the Queen, who addressed them:

I have always admired their courage in responding so readily to a call which they knew must bring them ... hardship and sometimes loneliness. Now the time has come to say goodbye, because the job has been done, but the sadness which many feel should be outweighed by pride in the achievement.
Rather a day as a lion than a lifetime as a sheep.

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Offline BIGdavalad

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #148 on: July 11, 2005, 10:07:37 PM »
Didn't post yesterday (was sleeping off a massive saturday night bender for most of the day) - but I take it there'd have been a few of the "regulars" of this thread who watched the goings on in London yesterday? If you did - did you tape it? I missed some of it due to some evil spirit that forced me to drink copious amounts of diesel on saturday night.

From the bits I did see -
A fantastic two fingers to the twats who bombed London from the Boss - HM and HRH riding through London in an open vehicle, HRH with his campaign medals standing proud (he always puts them ahead of his techinically more senior medals apparently, got a lot of respect for Phil the Greek, been at the pointy end and did his bit).

The dropping of the poppies was beautiful, they've done it a couple of times now, and it's a stunning and poigniant tribute every time.

The flypast - the Spitfire is without a doubt THE most beautiful thing ever made, and is there anything in the world that sounds anywhere near as good as a Merlin engine? It's the kind of noise that just makes you glad to be British.
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Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #149 on: July 28, 2005, 11:08:02 AM »
The series "Escape to the Legion" inspired me to find this.  Camerone.  It established the tradition that the Legion never surrender.


CAMERONE


Background

Mexico has been added to the French Empire. Maximilian, the new Emperor of Mexico, arrives in Mexico in May of 1864. His troops hold Mexico City and a narrow corridor from the capital to the seaport of Vera Cruz.
Opposed to Maximilian is Juarez, who leads the Mexican resistance.


Mexico.  April 1863

A convoy carrying gold bullion is about to leave Vera Cruz, bound for the interior of Mexico.
Escorting the convoy is the Third Company of the First Battalion of the Foreign Legion. Its effective strength (due to yellow fever) is 62 legionnaires (no officers). Three officers volunteer to go with them: Captain Danjou, Lt. Vilain (the pay officer), and 2nd Lt. Maudet.

The Mexican sector commander, Colonel Milan, learns of the convoy and makes plans to capture it. He musters 2,000 men (including 800 cavalry armed with Remington and Winchester rifles). The French have no idea that a large Mexican force is in the area.

Before 7 a.m. on 30 April, the convoy passes through the village of Camerone. A mile later, the legionnaires halt and make fires to boil coffee. At that moment, the Mexican cavalry attacks.

The legionnaires form square. The terrain is not good for a cavalry attack, due to waist-high grass and clumps of tropical vegetation. Milan's men are kept at a distance by French volleys, and manouvre instead to surround the legionnaires. The Legion's mules have run off, taking the rations and reserve ammunition with them.

To avoid being surrounded, the legionnaires move (still in square) the mile back to Camerone. They arrive with 42 men left, including wounded. The village consists of a farmhouse and outbuildings, plus some ruined hovels, all enclosed in a courtyard. The French begin setting up barricades and improving their positions.

At 9 a.m., the Mexican infantry (three battalions, 1200 men) arrive. They make several assaults on Camerone. Around noon, Milan calls on the legionnaires to surrender. Danjou instead persuades his men to fight to the end.

About this time, a Mexican assault reaches the upper story of the farmhouse. Danjou is killed, and Vilain is in charge. Two hours later, Vilain is slain, and Maudet takes command.

At 5 p.m., only Maudet and 12 legionnaires remain alive. The Mexicans light the farmhouse on fire, forcing the French to flee across the courtyard to an outhouse. The legionnaires still refuse to surrender.

After a brief lull, the Mexicans mass and slowly approach the outhouse. It is 6 p.m. Maudet and the 5 survivors fire a volley, then charge the Mexicans with bayonets fixed. They are engulfed by the Mexican infantry.

Three of the legionnaires who made the final charge were captured, and survived the battle.

April 30th is celebrated as Camerone Day by the Foreign Legion, and is the most cherished battle in the history of the Legion. The word "Camerone" is inscribed in gold on the walls of Les Invalides in Paris. Danjou's wooden hand rests in the Legion Hall of Honour in Aubagne.
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Offline BootleRed

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #150 on: July 28, 2005, 12:19:29 PM »
Re: " Bouchard ". aka  - ARA Bouchard
This was an argentinian destroyer and i've spoken to my brother who was serving navy during falklands. He seems to think they put the name of prospective targets on the exocet tubes much the same way as we write stuff on the side of paveway and 1000lb bombs etc.

Hope that helps and sorry if I have patronised anyone!
We're not English -We are Scouse.

Offline Maggie May

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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #151 on: July 28, 2005, 12:23:07 PM »
You certainly haven't mate.  :wave  It sounds spot on.  Cheers for that.   :-*
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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #152 on: July 30, 2005, 09:53:46 PM »
Getting the Battle Of Britain story back on track, I'll repost all of it here and delete the originals.

The Luftwaffe

Messerschmidt Bf-109

The standard single seat, single engined fighter aircraft for the Luftwaffe until the introduction of the Focke Wulf FW-190 in 1941, the Bf-109 still holds the record for the number of aircraft built with over 33,000 produced between 1936 and 1945. The standard model used in the Battle of Britain was the Bf-109E “Emil”, which had a top speed of 348mph (290mph at sea-level), the Bf-109 was a very fast and manoeuvrable fighter aircraft that was popular with its pilots. It did suffer some problems though. It was a very difficult plane to fly for a novice and many young pilots were killed, especially when taking off as it tended to veer alarmingly at take off. It also had a very short range (it was designed as an interceptor rather than as a long range escort) of just 410 miles at cruising speed. Although this sounds like a lot, it would only give about 10 minutes combat over London. This meant that Bf-109 pilots often had to turn back and leave bombers unescorted as they rushed for the French coast, hoping to get there before their precious fuel ran out. It was armed with two 20mm cannon (firing explosive shells) and two 7.92mm machine guns. There was space for an extra cannon firing through the centre of the propeller boss, but this was normally removed because the vibration of firing caused problems with the engine. The Messerschmidt did have one big advantage over the British fighters – because the Daimler Benz engine fitted in German aircraft were fuel injected (rather than using a float carburettor as the British Merlin did), German aircraft could go straight into a steep dive, whereas British aircraft had to turn on their backs before they dived to prevent their engines from cutting out. This gave German fighters a vital couple of seconds to try and escape a dog fight. A small number of Bf-109s were also converted to fighter bombers able to carry one 550lb or four 110lb bombs. These were used to try and sneak under radar to attack British aircraft factories along the south coast.

Messerschmidt Bf-110

A large two seat, twin engined aircraft designed to escort bomber formations, the Bf-110 entered the Battle of Britain with a formidable reputation, however over Britain it was completely outclassed by the Spitfire and the Hurricane, and often needed it’s own fighter escort from Bf-109s! Later in the war, the Bf-110 was found to be very useful as a night fighter were there were no single seat fighters to worry it. The second crewman sat with his back to the pilot, armed with a 7.92mm machine gun, to give some protection from rear attack. It was also armed with two 20mm cannon and four 7.92mm machine guns. Although it had a very heavy armament that could rip most aircraft apart, it was very large and slow to manoeuvre, making it difficult to dog fight against smaller single seat opponents. With a top speed of 349mph it was actually faster than the Bf-109 and had a longer range (540 miles), but it had a very large turning circle due to its large size, which is a massive disadvantage in a dogfight, which the aircraft with the smallest turning circle usually wins. The Bf-110 did have some success as a fighter-bomber, carrying up to 4000lb of bombs.

Junkers Ju-87 Stuka

A single engined, two seat dive bomber, this was another aircraft that entered the Battle of Britain with a massive reputation and ended up being withdrawn from the battle due to massive losses. With a maximum speed of only 195mph, the Stuka was one of the slowest front line aircraft deployed in 1940, cruising at only 118mph. They were also very difficult to escort because their slow speed meant that fighters could not fly slow enough to stay with them. This meant that the fighters had to weave around to stay with their charges, using even more of their precious fuel up before they even got to a fight. The Stuka was especially vunerable pulling up from a dive, where it was moving very slowly indeed (and possibly with an unconscious pilot, the Stuka had an automatic pull up incase the pilot blacked out during the dive. Although the Stuka was capable of very accurate bombing, with a bombload of up to around 2600lb, it was defended with only 3 machine guns – two fixed in the wings and one aimed by the gunner sitting with his back to the pilot. After 42 were destroyed or damaged in just one month between July 10th and August 11th, the Stuka was on borrowed time. After continuing heavy losses (101 were damaged or destroyed) and a collapse in crew morale, they were eventually withdrawn from service over the UK, although they did well in the Soviet Union, where Germany had air superiority.

Junkers Ju-88

One of the best medium bombers of the war, the Ju-88 was a very well designed, fast (max speed of 286mph, cruising at 239mph) and (for a bomber) manoeuvrable aircraft able to carry a decent bomb load (5,510lb) over a decent range (1,553 miles). It was also capable of being updated, and was used throughout the war as a bomber, torpedo bomber, long range reconnaissance and as a night fighter. It did have some problems however, it was difficult to fly on one engine and one man (the Flight Engineer) was responsible for firing four of the defensive machine guns – jumping from one gun to the other as fighters flew past, with obvious problems for the aircraft’s defense. The Ju-88 suffered from the same problems as all of the German bombers in the Battle of Britain, having it’s defence based on single machine guns (six of them in the Ju-88) mounted around the aircraft rather than the power operated, multi-gun turrets that the Allied bombers over Germany would carry. Because it came into service later than the other German bombers in service at the time, the Ju-88 was used in smaller numbers than the others, Despite this, 431 were damaged or destroyed during the battle. If there had been more Ju-88s in service during the battle, the damage done to airfields and cities could have been far worse.

Heinkel He-111

Originally designed as an airliner to get aroung Versailles Treaty restrictions, the He-111 came into service as a bomber with the Luftwaffe in 1936. Although it was used in large numbers (over 800 were in use by the time of the battle), it was really outdated by the time it faced Spitfires and Hurricanes over southern England. It had a decent maximum speed of 270 mph and a maximum range of 1,212 miles with a normal load, it was (like all German bombers of the time) poorly defended with just one 20mm cannon, one 13mm machine gun and four 7.92mm machine guns spread around the cockpit area., with up to 4,409lb of bombs carried. It was capable of absorbing a lot of damage without crashing, which allowed many badly damaged aircraft to make it back to France, it still suffered heavy losses though, with 348 shot down or damaged between July and October 1940.

Dornier Do-17

Like the He-111, the Dornier was not designed as a bomber, but as a mail carrier and passenger plane. Nicknamed the “Flying Pencil” because of it’s slim fuselage, the Do-17 was comparable to the He-111 in terms of performance (265mph max speed, range of 745 miles) and was as poorly defended with only six 7.92mm machine guns (some versions also had a 20mm and a 13mm machine gun), and also carried a bomb load of up to 2,200lb. The Do-17 proved to be as vulnerable as the rest of the German bombers over the UK, and during the four months of the battle, 271 were either destroyed or damaged by RAF fighters.

The Luftwaffe was split into Luftlotte (Air Fleet), which controlled several Geschwader (Groups). Each Geschwader was split into three or four Gruppe (Wings). Each Gruppe controlled three Staffeln (Squadrons). The basic fighting unit of the Luftwaffe fighters was the Rotte or pair. Two pairs made a Schwarm (literally a flock of birds or shoal of fish), which flew in a very loose formation ideal for fighting. Three Schwarme made up the Staffel. The Staffeln and Gruppen were numbered consecutively through the Geschwader, the Gruppen with roman numerals and the Staffeln with arabic. For example, the first Gruppe of KG1 was I/KG1. The first Staffeln of KG1 was 1/KG (and would be part of I/KG, along with 2/KG and 3/KG, while 4/KG1,  5/KG1 and 6/KG1 would make up II/KG1). These Gruppe could be split between Luftlotte - for example, I/JG2 and II/JG2 were both part of Luftlotte 3 while III/JG2 came under the command of Luftlotte 2.

The Germans, like the British, grouped their aircraft by type:
Jagdgeschwader ("Hunting Wing") - fighter wings flying Bf-109. Shortened to JG.
Kampfgeschwader ("Struggle Wing") - bomber wings flying He-111, Do-17 or Ju-88. Shortened to KG.
Stukageschwader ("Divebomber Wing") - flying Ju-87 Stukas. Shortened to StG.
Zerstorergeschwader ("Destroyer Wing") - heavy fighter wings flying Bf-110. Shortened to ZG.

For the Battle of Britain, the Luftwaffe forces flying against the RAF were Luftlotte 2 (HQ in Brussels and with bases covering Belgium and the French coast to Le Havre), Luftlotte 3 (HQ in Paris and covering NW France) and Luftlotte 5 in Norway and Denmark.



Piccies:

Bf-109

Bf-110

Ju-87 Stuka
« Last Edit: July 30, 2005, 11:47:03 PM by BIGdavalad »
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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #153 on: July 30, 2005, 09:57:31 PM »
He-111

Do-17

Ju-88
« Last Edit: July 30, 2005, 11:48:10 PM by BIGdavalad »
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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #154 on: July 30, 2005, 09:58:43 PM »
The Royal Air Force

Supermarine Spitfire

The iconic aircraft of the Second World War and the Battle of Britain, the Supermarine Spitfire is possibly the most beautiful machine ever created by man. Although it was not the most numerous aircraft used by the British during the Battle (it was outnumbered 3 to 2 by the Hurricane), it was however the aircraft most feared by the Germans (most downed German pilots claimed to been shot down by Spitfires rather than Hurricanes, and the standard German call to warn other pilots of approaching aircraft was changed from “Achtung Indianer” (Look out, Bandits) to simply “Achtung Spitfeur”) and most loved by schoolboys of the time. Designed by Reginald Mitchell, who worked so hard on his creation he died of colon cancer before he could ever see her fly. On June 1936, the Air Ministry placed an order for 310 of the new aircraft, at a cost of just £4,500 each – possibly the best investment any British Government has ever made. The Air Ministry also accepted the name suggested by Vickers – Spitfire, because Vickers’ chairman Sir Robert McLean had always called his daughter “a little spitfire”. When Mitchell heard of the name he remarked “that’s just the sort of silly name they would give it”. Mitchell died of cancer on June 11, 1937, before Spitfire production had begun. The main mark of Spitfire used during the Battle of Britain was the Spitfire Mk.IA. This was armed with eight Browning 0.303 inch (7.7mm) machine guns, which had been established in the 1930s as the minimum armament required to shoot down a bomber in the two seconds that a pilot could expect to have a target in their sights. It had a maximum speed of 355mph; making it the fastest aircraft used in the battle, and could climb to 20,000 feet in just 9.2 minutes – an important quality for a fighter aircraft, as attacking from above an enemy is the best way to attack without being seen. It was also the most manoeuvrable of the fighters used in 1940, well able to turn in a smaller circle than the Bf-109 and Bf-110 (trials with a captured Bf-109 established that if the German plane started on the tail of a Spitfire and they both went into a tight turn, the Spitfire would be on the German’s tail within seven and a half turns). An updated model, the Spitfire Mk.IB armed with two 20mm cannon and four 0.303mm machine guns was trialled in combat during the battle, but problems with the cannon meant that it was not put into wide scale production. Although a complicated aircraft to build (13,000 man hours were needed to build a Spitfire Mk.V, compared to 4,500 for a Bf-109G), the Spitfire was in service with 19 squadrons by July 1st 1940 (compared to 29 operating the Hurricane). Wherever possible the Spitfire was scrambled to face fighters while the slower, less manoeuvrable Hurricane went after bombers. Although 342 Spitfires were shot down (plus 140 damaged), the Spitfire is credited with around 760 kills from the German total of 1,767 losses (around 43% of Germans shot down, with the Spitfire making up around 38% of RAF Fighter Command strength).

Hawker Hurricane

The forgotten aircraft of the Battle of Britain, the Hawker Hurricane made up an average of 60% of Fighter Command’s strength during the battle, and shot down around 1,000 German aircraft. Slower than and not as beautiful as her cousin the Spitfire, Sidney Camm’s Hurricane was never the less a very good fighter aircraft by 1940 standards. Armed with eight 0.303in machine guns like the Spitfire, the Hurricane Mk.I was the slowest of the four main fighters used in the battle, with a top speed of 325mph. It was, however, a very good bomber killer because the thicker wings (compared to the Spitfire) meant that all eight machine guns could be placed next to each other, giving a more concentrated hit pattern on the target. It could also turn even quicker than a Spitfire, with a turning circle 40 feet smaller. The Hurricane was also far simpler and quicker to build than the Spitfire, meaning that the RAF could build up the numbers it needed quicker with the Hurricane. Despite being slower and less manoeuvrable than it’s main opponent (the Bf-109), the Hurricane could hold it’s own against the German fighter, going into a tight turn to nullify opponent’s speed advantage.

Boulton-Paul Defiant.

A single engined, two seat fighter, the Boulton-Paul Defiant grew out of a mistaken 1930s belief that a fighter with a large power operated turret could be an advantage over a normal fighter because the pilot would not have to concentrate on firing the guns, the Defiant was too slow, too large and too under armed to be a realistic day fighter by 1940. With a top speed of just 304mph and armed with four 0.303in machine guns in a turret behind the pilot’s cockpit, the Defiant was in service with just 2 squadrons by July 1940 – luckily for RAF pilots and gunners. At first the Defiant had some success as a fighter after German fighters mistook it for a Hurricane and attacked it from the rear. Once they realised their mistake though, the Defiant was helpless and after suffering heavy losses (5 out of 9 involved were shot down in one flight on 19th July) they were relegated to night fighting, were the lack of radar meant that they never had much chance of finding any enemy. Some bombers were shot down though (the Defiant had the best night kill per interception rate up until 1941, when it was replaced by better radar equipped fighters), before the Defiant was quietly taken out of front line service. It soldiered on until 1944 in research and development before it retired. The Defiant also showed to be a death trap for its gunners when it was hit. The turret had to be turned all the way to one side to allow the gunner to escape, and if the power supply had been hit during the attack the gunner had no choice but to go down with his burning ship until it hit the ground.

Bristol Blenheim

A converted light bomber, the Blenheim Mk.IF was a hurried conversion intended as a long range fighter (much like the Bf-110), however it was even slower less manoeuvrable than its German equivalent. The Blenheim had a top speed of 278mph and was armed with one 0.303in machine gun in a turret and one 0.303in in the port (left wing) from it’s time as a bomber. A tray of four extra machine guns was attached under the nose to give it more chance of killing something. In all, 200 bombers were converted to fighters, equipping several squadrons by the start of the battle. After suffering heavy losses, the Blenheim was relegated to night fighting, where its opponents were the more sedate and less dangerous bombers, rather than the front line fighters of the Luftwaffe. The Blenheim proved to be a decent night fighter, giving the RAF some experience of airborne radar (which were fitted by the end of 1940) before the Blenheim was replaced in service by the custom designed Bristol Beaufighter.

The basic unit in the RAF was a section, made up of 3 fighters flying in a "vic" or triangle. This was a very inflexible formation, because pilots spent more time on staying in formation than looking for the enemy. By the end of the battle, most of the experienced squadrons had switched to using a "finger four" formation, four fighters in a loose line which was far better to fight with. These sections made up flights (two sections to a flight). Two flights made up a squadron of 12 aircraft.

Fighter Command was split into Groups, 11 Group covering London and the south east, 10 Group covering south and south west England, 12 Group covered the midlands while 13 Group covered northern England Scotland. The area each group covered was split into Sectors (based around "Sector Stations"), which could control up to 6 squadrons. Each Sector Station then had smaller Satellite Stations for the squadrons. For example, 11 Group was headquartered at Uxbridge and split into seven Sectors (A, B, C, D, E, F and Z), controlled from Tangmere, Kenley, Biggin Hill, Hornchurch, North Weald, Debden and Northolt. Kenley was home to 64 and 615 Squadrons and also had Croyden as it's satellite station, with 111 and 501 Squadrons.

Although the "Big Wing" at Duxford was formed late on in the battle, under the command of Douglas Barder, wings were not generally used as fighting formations until after the battle.
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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #155 on: July 30, 2005, 09:59:48 PM »
Supermarine Spitfire
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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #156 on: July 30, 2005, 10:01:04 PM »
Hawker Hurricane

Hawker Hurricane

Boulton-Paul Defiant

Bristol Blenheim
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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #157 on: July 30, 2005, 10:02:52 PM »
Build Up To The Battle

By June 4th 1940, the 338,226 British, French and Belgian soldiers rescued from the beaches of Dunkirk in Operation Dynamo (led by Admiral Ramsay – who four years later would also plan the naval side of Operation Overlord (D-Day)), leaving the German Whermacht occupying all of western Europe.

Between the German invasion of France and the Low Countries on 10th May and the evacuation on June 4th, France had begged Churchill several times to send more fighter squadrons to France to try and counter the Luftwaffe. Britain had already sent a relatively large air force (the Advanced Air Striking Force) to France with the BEF (British Expeditionary Force) in 1939, made up largely of Hawker Hurricane and Gloster Gladiator fighters, plus Fairey Battle and Bristol Blenheim light bombers. These aircraft had suffered badly in the war, especially the obsolete Battles, who had flown unescorted against overwhelming numbers of German fighters and light Flak (anti aircraft guns) to attack bridges in French and Belgian towns, losing many of their aircraft and crews and earning two Victoria Crosses. When the head of Fighter Command (Air Marshall Sir Hugh Dowding) was asked by Churchill to send more squadrons to France he refused. It had been decided that the minimum number of fighter squadrons required to defend the United Kingdom was 52. With the number of squadrons that had already been deployed to France, there were already fewer than 40 squadrons left in the UK. Churchill reluctantly refused the French request (one of the reasons which the French use to accuse the UK of betraying her in 1940), but did order more British squadrons to fly to France each morning, patrol all day and return to the UK in the evenings. Even this stiffening of French air defence was useless though, and the Luftwaffe (German Air Force) quickly overwhelmed the badly organised British and French Air Forces to establish almost complete air superiority over the battlefields.

The Luftwaffe of the time was a very well equipped and trained force, made up of modern aircraft and with recent combat experience in the Spanish Civil War (the Germans had sent the Condor Legion, made up of “volunteers” to test the new equipment and tactics ready for the coming war). They had also already destroyed the Polish air force (much of it on the ground in pre-emptive strikes), as well as covering the invasion of Norway and Denmark. Although they had scored many victories over Poland and France, the Luftwaffe had not been unbeatable. From a strength of 4,509 aircraft (including reserves) on the first day of the war, 285 of their machines had been destroyed and 279 damaged over Poland, while 260 aircraft were lost over Norway. Against the Armee de la Air (French Air Force) and the Royal Air Force over France, 1,460 aircraft were shot down and 1,074 more were damaged. These were not easy losses for the Germans to replace. Hitler had refused to put the German economy on a “war footing”; so many factories which could be used for building military equipment were still turning out civilian products. However by the beginning of July 1940, the Luftwaffe’s strength was still over 4,000 front line aircraft – 1,107 single seat fighters, 357 two seat fighters, 1,380 bombers, 428 dive bombers, 569 reconnaissance and 233 coastal aircraft.

The RAF was at the end of a very long and expensive re-equipping when the war broke out. Their biplane Gloster Gladiator fighters had mostly been replaced by the Hawker Hurricane and Supermarine Spitfire monoplanes, although some squadrons had taken Gladiators to France in 1939, however most of these had been replaced by Hurricanes by the time of the German invasion. At the outbreak of war, the RAF had had a front line strength (including reserves) of 4,111. Many of these aircraft were still obsolete though, particularly the bombers. The RAF had lost 169 aircraft over Norway and 959 aircraft (around half of them fighters) over France. British production was, however, far better organised than the Germans. A system of setting up “shadow factories” around the country rather than rely on the aircraft manufacturer’s main factories meant that even a heavy raid on any factory would not completely hold up production. The task of producing smaller parts was sub-contracted out to anyone who could deliver, meaning that some components for Hurricanes and Spitfires were being built in places such as bicycle factories and even garden sheds. Although there were some teething problems with the new system, especially with the shadow Spitfire factory which severely slowed down production for several months, the British actually had a better system for the replacement or repair of aircraft by the time of the Dunkirk evacuation. At the beginning of July 1940, the RAF had a strength of 1,963 – 754 single seat fighters, 149 two seat fighters, 560 bombers and 500 coastal aircraft.

The RAF had one major advantage over the Luftwaffe – radar. The German’s fully understood radar, and had developed their own system for improving gunnery on warships, they did not understand how advanced the British system was though. The radar system allowed the British to keep their aircraft on the ground until an attack was detected (apart from escorting convoys through the English Channel), cutting down the amount of time pilots would have to spend in the air and the number of aircraft required to defend the UK. Radar gave the British a vital 20 or 25 minute warning of a German raid, giving them time to scramble the fighter squadrons waiting on stand by. 

Britain now stood alone against the seemingly unbeatable Germans. Whether they could hold on or not would come down to a small number of fighter pilots facing odds of 4 to 1 in aircraft numbers, with those aircraft piloted by pilots with more experience and using better tactics. As Winston Churchill said on the 11th of June:

The Battle of France is over. The Battle of Britain is about to begin. Upon this battle depends the survival of Christian civilization…  The whole fury and might of the enemy must very soon be turned on us. Hitler knows that he will have to break us in this island or lose the war… Let us therefore brace ourselves to our duty, and so bear ourselves that, if the British Empire and its Commonwealth lasts for a thousand years, men will still say, This was their finest hour.
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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #158 on: July 30, 2005, 10:04:16 PM »
Kanalkampf


In his directive of June 30th, Goering had stressed to his commanders the need to attack targets of opportunity in small numbers in order to familiarise the crews with the coming area of operations. He had also ordered that the English Channel (known to the Germans as the Kanal) was to be closed to British shipping. Oberst (Colonel) Johannes Frink was appointed Kanalkampffuhrer (Channel Battle Director), normally shortened to Kanakafu, which he probably preferred to his other nickname of Kanalarbeiter – the sewer rat.

A mobile Freya radar set was installed on a French cliff top to track British shipping entering the Channel and Frink set his HQ up in an old bus on a hilltop, from which he could see the British radar towers. Theodore Osterkamp (Commander of JG-51, Fighter Group 51) was based just down the road from Frink. He knew the British from old and doubted that the “Lords” would be as much of a pushover as the leadership expected. He had led his fighters out on “Freijagd” – free hunting fighter sweeps – to try and draw the RAF into the air, which would now have to be stopped so that his fighters could be used to escort the bombers. Fink agreed to use his Bf-110s as close escort to the Stuka divebombers being sent to attack the convoys, while the Bf-109s would be allowed to operate with more freedom. Now the Luftwaffe settled into a pattern that would last until “Eagle Day” on August 13th.

First thing every morning, single aircraft from meteorological flights (Wetterkundugsstaffeln) would take off and report back with weather conditions and Channel currents. Recce flights were sent out throughout the day to photograph ports and airfields, look for shipping and report on the damage from any bombing the previous night. If any targets were found, attacks would be launched. Around dusk, small groups of bombers would be sent on nuisance raids. If the weather was bad, small bombing raids may be launched in daylight, targeting docks, factories, oil installations, airfields, railways and ships. These raids also served to find out the state of air defences, and ranged all over England, Wales, Scotland and Ulster to get a complete picture of the whole country’s defences. Minelaying was also carried out to try and sink shipping sailing at night. For the (usually) unarmed reconnaissance planes, daylight missions could be deadly, RAF Fighter Command were active all over the country, and 13 recce aircraft were shot down between July 1st and August 12th, as far apart as the south coast of England and the Orkneys. Four others were damaged and five were lost due to unknown causes. Only one of the destroyed aircraft made it back to France – a Do 17P crashed at Boulogne on 10th July. Before it crashed, it sent out a message that started the Battle of Britain.

The Dornier had been on patrol, escorted by fighters when it had spotted the convoy “Bread”, six Spitfires from 74 Squadron had intercepted the formation and two had been damaged. The Dornier was the only German aircraft damaged. Fink decided that Bread was too good a target to miss, and an attack force of Do-17 bombers was put together along with Bf-110 escorts and Bf-109s flying above the formation (60 plus aircraft). At the same time a Flight (usually 3 aircraft) of Hurricanes were scrambled to escort the convoy. Around 20 minutes later, the German raid was seen forming up over Calais by British radar and three squadrons were scrambled to intercept them. This resulted in the biggest dogfight yet seen over then Channel (which is why many experts see 10th July as the first day of the battle). Three Bf-110s, one Bf-109 and 3 Do-17s were shot down and a further two of each type damaged. The RAF had four aircraft damaged and one 700 ton sloop had been sunk. No cargo was lost though, as the convoy had been in ballast.

On the same day, solitary raiders had flown against Bristol and Southampton. One of these raiders, a Ju-88, was reported by the Observer Corps to the training airfield at Stormy Down, which was commanded by World War 1 veteran Wing Commander Ira “Taffy” Jones. Jones reported that he “could see the blighter” through his binoculars. Finally getting bored of the Observer Corps constantly ringing him, he took off in an unarmed Hawker Henley (used for target towing) and climbed to up-sun of the Junkers. He then dived on the bomber and fired a Very flare pistol off at it, for want of a real weapon. The bomber dived and headed for the sea, with Taffy in hot pursuit. Only when the rear gunner opened fire did common sense prevail and he returned to Stormy Down.

In total, July 10th had cost the Germans ten aircraft shot down and six more damaged. A further three were written off and six damaged in accidents. One RAF fighter had been shot down and nine had been damaged. It had been a good first day for Fighter Command.
The rest of July and the first half of August would continue in the same vein as that first day. Both sides fought bravely in comparatively small engagements and learned lessons that would help them through the harder days to come. Many pilots in the RAF found that their guns were synchronised too far from the aircraft. At the time, the eight machine guns were synchronised so that the cone of fire from each gun met at around 400 yards from the aircraft. Most pilots decided that this was too far, and many veterans had their guns moved to 200 yards synchronisation. By the end of July, the Channel was known to British sailors as “Hellfire Corner” because of the regular bombing raids on convoys. The attacks were enough for the Navy to abandon Dover as a major base. The Channel, in daylight at least, belonged to the Germans.

On August 1st, Hitler issued Directive 17, ordering the Luftwaffe to being destroying the RAF at any time from the 5th of August onwards. During the war games planning this attack, it was realised that the Bf-109 pilots would have to be very careful with their fuel. It is 100 miles from Calais to London, and at that range the Bf-109 would have roughly 10 or 15 minutes of combat time over London before having to turn back. They would be unable to be used for targets north of London, leaving the disappointing Bf-110s, which had already suffered higher than expected losses, on their own with the bombers. Alder Tag (Eagle Day), the first day of the RAF’s destruction was fixed for August 10th, bad weather over the Channel and southern England meant that it was postponed, and only nuisance raids were launched. The 11th dawned bright and clear, and Luftwaffe commanders decided to exploit the good weather. Heavy raids were launched against the Thames Estuary and the Royal Navy’s base at Portland. The raid on Portland consisted of 165 aircraft, the biggest raid yet launched against Britain. Seventy four RAF fighters were scrambled to meet the raid and fierce fighting broke out. The Germans claimed 57 kills (including 2 Curtiss Hawks, which the RAF never used), while they had lost 18 of their attacking force – five bombers, eight Bf-109s and six Bf-110s as well as two He-59 air sea rescue aircraft. In reality the RAF had lost sixteen fighters. The over claiming of kills by German pilots (caused by vanity and the desire for medals and the title of “Top Ace” as much by the confusion of combat) was the main reason for Luftwaffe over-confidence later in the Battle.

German planners worked through the night on the 11th, planning the launch of the major attacks on the 13th. Attacks launched the next day, the 12th, just to clear the way for the major attack would be unprecedented in size. The Luftwaffe was no longer messing around attacking ships and secondary targets, they were coming to destroy the UK’s air defences.

At Fighter Command HQ in Bentley Priory, Air Marshall Dowding expected them. The day’s hectic fighting had been a clear sign that the Germans had something brewing. He was glad that convoy sailing had reduced, because it reduced the number of wasteful patrols he was forced to launch to escort them. He hoped that the fighting would move over the mainland, because then it would be easier to recover shot down pilots and fewer would be drowned in the Channel. He hoped that the Luftwaffe would launch their attacks in large formations because they were easier to detect and track. He wanted to fight his enemy on prepared ground, then he could break them.
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Re: The Military Thread
« Reply #159 on: July 30, 2005, 10:05:31 PM »
Eagle Day

At 0630 on the morning of August 12th 1940, the roar of Daimler Benz engines disturbed the peace of the small French town of Denain. The ground crews had been up a long time fitting bombs to the aircraft, which was strange because the machines which took off and headed north west for Calais were fighters, a mixture of Bf-109 and Bf-110s. They landed at Calais-Marck, refuelled and at 0840 took off again in four groups on the same north western heading, taking them towards Dover.

The unusual unit the aircraft belonged to was called Eprobungsgruppe 210 (Operational Trials Wing 210), set up on July 1st to develop techniques for delivering bombs with extreme accuracy from a low level. The unit was made up of two Staffeln of Bf-110s and one of Bf-109, and once their bombs had been dropped they were expected to act as fighters. They were the first fighter bombers. Willi Messerschmitt was designing a new aircraft specifically for this role (the Me-210, hence the unit’s name). Eprobungsgruppe 210 was attached to Loerenzer’s II Fliegerkorps in Airfleet 2.

Eprobungsgruppe 210 was the only unit formed by the Luftwaffe specifically for the campaign over the UK. Its insignia was a yellow gunsight superimposed over the red shape of the island that was its target. They had first gone into combat on July 13th, and had already lost 10 men in combat, plus another five in accidents, but August 12th was to be by far their busiest day so far.

As the twenty aircraft crossed the Channel, they were picked up by the radar station at Rye. From their speed they were clearly fighters. The filter room at Bentley Priory hesitated and failed to scramble any RAF fighters. Epro 210 split into four formations bombed the radar stations at Dover, Rye, Dunkirk (just west of Cantebury) and Pevensey, putting Dover, Rye and Pevensey off the air, before landing back in Calais without loss. With Dunkirk off the air, there was a large gap torn in the radar coverage on the south coast. Luckily, the neighbouring stations were able to cover the gap, and a large raid was detected heading towards Brighton at 1145. It was 63 Ju-88s of KG51, with 150 Bf-109 and Bf-110 escorts. Over Spithead, the bombers turned north and braving intense AA fire they delivered a devastating attack on the town and dockyard. Fifteen aircraft had split from the main raid to bomb Ventnor radar station on the Isle of Wight. Seventy four bombs were dropped on the radar compound, fifteen of them direct hits – now Ventnor was off the air to. As the raiders tried to escape, fifty eight RAF fighters, and with the AA guns, shot down eleven of KG51’s bombers before the German escorts engaged. – the escorts had waited for fifteen minutes until they had an inviting enough target. When they finally attacked, they managed to shoot down ten of the RAF’s fighters, losing ten of their own number in the dogfight.

After the success of Epro 210’s first raid, Kesselring was keen to exploit their advantage. By midday the fighter bombers were ready to take off again, and re-enforced by eighteen Do-17s of KG2 they attacked Manston airfield at 1250. At the time of the raid, 65 Sqn (normally based at Rochford) were using Manston as a forward base for refuelling and re-arming. As the Germans bombers appeared over the airstrip, 65 Sqn were sitting on the grass airstrip with their engines running (they had received a warning of a potential raid earlier). They managed to get off the ground between the bomb bursts (with only one Spitfire damaged) and joined 54 Sqn in a confused dogfight with the attackers. Manston was blanketed in smoke and reduced to complete confusion by the 150 or so bombs that had fallen on it.

Epro 210’s third raid of the day was just as successful. Lympne airfield on the Kent coast was attacked and one hangar was destroyed, another was damaged. Several stores buildings and two Airmen’s Married Quarters were also hit in the raid. Six airmen were wounded and two Spitfires were damaged on the ground.

In the evening, three small raids were launched to test the damage to the radar system. The German’s initial satisfaction was deflated when radio traffic showed that all three raids had been detected. They still felt happy after the first day of the destruction of the RAF. Their pilots had claimed forty six Spitfires, twenty three Hurricanes and one Morane 406 (a French fighter) for the loss of half that number. In fact, the RAF had only lost twenty aircraft in air to air fighting, with two more Blenheims written off in bombing attacks. All three airfields had been repaired by the next morning.

Rye radar station was back on air by noon, while Dover and Dunkirk were back on line within 6 hours of the attacks. Ventnor had been most seriously damaged (the raids had damaged the mains power), and it was out of action for three days before a mobile generator could be set up. The RAF were also pleased to find that despite worries about them, the WAAF girls running the radar stations had not panicked under attack. In order to confuse the Luftwaffe, fake radio signals were sent out from Ventnor while it was repaired to make it seem to be on air.

Bomber Command was also in action that night, attacking an aquaduct on the Dortmund-Elms canal, which was used to move invasion barges from Germany to French ports. Five Hampden bombers from 49 and 83 Squadrons made a daring low level attack, with the first two aircraft shot down and the next two damaged. The fifth, piloted by Flight Lieutenant Roderick Learoyd, flew through the Flak and searchlights to score a near miss. His behaviour in the attack and while nursing his crippled aircraft home earned Learoyd the Victoria Cross. The canal was blocked for ten days, severely hampering the German’s invasion build up.


The next day, 13th of August was to be Alder-Tag (Eagle Day) and Herman Goering (head of the Luftwaffe) had wanted three days of clear weather. On the evening of the 12th, it looked as though he would get it. All across northern France, ground crews worked through the night to get their aircraft ready for the next morning. Before dawn, a weather reconnaissance reported thick cloud over the Channel. Goering, who did not want his grand attack to go off half cock, postponed the attacks until the afternnon. The result was a classic cock up, caused by the two classic causes – weather and communications.

The honour of leading the first attack on this historic day had been given to Oberst Johannes Fink, who had reverted to his usual role of Geschwaderkommodore of KG2 since the end of his Kanalkafu work. His Do-17s had taken off between 0450 and 0510 to meet their escorts over the Channel. These were to be Bf-110s of Zg26, led by the one legged WW1 veteran Oberstleutnant Joachim Huth. The staff at Luftlotte 2 frantically signalled the cancellation order to every unit, but for some reason it did now reach Fink’s II and III Gruppen. The message was received by Huth, but the fighter’s radios were tuned to a different frequency than the bomber’s and they could only watch the bombers fly off without an escort. Huth performed a series of acrobatics in front of Fink’s bomber to try and get him to turn round, but the bomber pilots thought he was showing off and ignored him. Then the escorts disappeared. Fink flew on to his targets at Eastchurch and Sheerness, a brave thing to do but counter to orders issued by Kesselring (Commander of Luflotte 2) that said that bombers that lost their escort should turn round. Fink probably thought that he was escorted – some of Epro 210s Bf-109s had also missed the recall and were flying on the same course. Unfortunately for the RAF, only three squadrons (74, 111 and 151) managed to intercept the raid, shooting down five bombers, although both of the targets had been bombed.

When Fink got back, he was so angry that Kesselring had to personally visit him to calm him down. Fink reported that he had succeeded, and destroyed ten Spitfires on the ground as well as completely wrecking Eastchurch airfield. In fact, he had destroyed one Spitfire (over-reporting of RAF casualties was a recurring theme for the Luftwaffe), which was only on the airfield to refuel. The apparent presence of Spitfires re-enforced the Luftwaffe;s belief that Eastchurch was a fighter station (it actually belonged to Coastal Command), meaning that several wasteful raids were aimed against the field during the battle.

The recall order that had been missed by Fink and his bombers has also missed the whole of Luftlotte 3, which had 38 Ju-88s attacking two airfields (the Royal Aircraft Establishment at Farnborough and an Army Co-operation field at Odiham) and 88 Stukas attacking Portland, escorted by 60 Bf-110s and 173 Bf-109 (which flew ahead of the raid on a “freijagd”). When the Stukas got to England, they found that the weather over the target was too poor for them to attack, so they turned and returned home. The Ju-88s carried on though, and ran into heavy fighter attacks which lasted all the way to the target and half way back across the Channel again. The RAF shot down four Ju-88s and one Bf-109s, while the Luftwaffe claimed to have shot down twenty RAF fighters (in fact they shot down one and damaged six).

When they returned from their escort mission, V./LG1 took off again at 1100 in their Bf-110s on a fighter sweep over Portland, possibly intending to draw the local fighters up to ensure that they would still be refuelling when the second planned bomber raid of the day arrived. The twenty three Bf-110s ran into the Hurricanes of 601 Squadron and had six machines shot down and another three damaged. They claimed nine Spitfires (in fact they shot down one Hurricane and damaged two).

After the false start in the morning, Alder Tag was officially launched at 1400. Fifty eight Ju-88s were launched to attack the airfields at Boscombe Down, Worthy Down and Andover, while fifty two Ju-87s attacked Warmwell and Yeovil. Large numbers of mixed Bf-109s and -110s provided the escort. The RAF scrambled the whole of 10 Group to intercept the raids. The escortingn fighters could do nothing to stop such a large number of fighters reaching the bombers. One squadron of Stukas (II./StG2) was massacred, losing six out of their nine aircraft to 609 Squadron while their escorts fought other fighters above.Bad weather again hampered bombing, and most of the raids were abandoned. Southampton was bombed, and many bombers dropped their bombs on the old grass airstrip at Andover, which had been used for bombers, but which no-one really cared about anymore. Later that afternoon, Ebro-210 escorted by Bf-110s set off to attack Southend, but dropped their bombs on Cantebury after they found Southend under heavy cloud. The Fleet Air Arm base at Detling was heavily attacked by Stukas, killing the Station Commander amongst 67 deaths. The bad weather hampered the interception of this raid, and only one of the Bf-109 escorts was shot down.

They were the last raids of the day. Alder Tag was supposed to be the beginning of the end for the RAF, instead it was one of their best days. They lost thirteen fighters in the air and one on the ground, and only had three pilots killed. Forty seven other types of aircraft were lost on the ground in bombing raids.  The RAF reported seventy eight German kills.

That evening was one Bomber Command’s worst so far. Twelve Blenheim bombers were sent to attack a bomber station in Norway. Despite finding good weather over the target, they continued (they had been ordered to turn back if they found good weather). Eleven were shot down and the one pilot who had turned round was court-martialled.

The next day, the 14th of August, was quiet. Some small raids, which did very little damage, were launched. The German’s were saving their strength for the next day, when Luftlotte 2, 3 and 5 would all be launched against the RAF.
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